Assad family struggles for survival
At its head is President Bashar Assad, who inherited power from his father in 2000 and who friend and opponent alike say appears increasingly detached from reality, convinced he is fighting a conspiracy against him and Syria.
Around him is a tight circle of family and clan members, and a security establishment staffed mainly by adherents of the Alawite minority to which the Assads belong.
"Even those who love him feel he can no longer provide security," said Ayman Abdel-Nour, an adviser to Assad until 2007 and now an opposition figure. "They think he is useless and living in a cocoon."
"He listens to the sycophants around him who tell him 'you are a gift from God'. He believes that he is right and that whoever contradicts him is a traitor. Many of his close friends and advisers have either left him or distanced themselves from him."
In response, Assad has taken charge of a military crisis unit and takes all the daily decisions, from the deployment of army units to tasks assigned to the security services, as well as mobilization of the Alawite Shabbiha, the feared militia accused of a series of massacres in the past two months.
"Bashar remains the center. He is involved in the day-to-day details of managing the crisis," said a Lebanese politician close to the Syrian rulers. "He set up an elite unit led by him to manage the crisis daily."
In this unit, intelligence chief Hisham Bekhtyar is responsible for security coordination. Other members were Dawoud Rajha, minister of defense and Assef Shawkat, the president's powerful brother-in-law, who was the deputy chief of staff of the armed forces. They were both killed in attacks yesterday.
Maher Assad, the president's younger brother and Syria's second most powerful man, commands the main loyalist strike forces.
"Maher is directly involved in the confrontation on the ground and is in direct contact with every one of them. He has direct military responsibilities," the Lebanese politician said.
While there has been no shake-up in the leadership, its inner circle is beginning to realize it faces a serious crisis. "In the hierarchy of the authorities you don't see a noticeable change", he said. But "you hear more realistic language. The prestige and standing of the regime has been scratched."
Abdel-Nour, the former Assad adviser, paints a darker picture of the inner circle. He stresses that there is nothing autonomous about the way government units operate, whether the shelling of opposition neighborhoods by Maher's armored columns or the killing of villagers by the Shabbiha militia. All units are under Bashar’s command and many have family ties.
Each region has its own Shabbiha leader and many of the central cities are led by Shabbiha men related to Assad.
The 46-year-old Assad said last month that Syria was at war and ordered his government to spare no effort in pursuit of victory against rebels he has described as terrorists.
Drawing parallels with his earlier profession as an eye surgeon, he said: "When a surgeon performs an operation to treat a wound do we say to him: 'Your hands are covered in blood'?"
"Or do we thank him for saving the patient?"
Some long-time observers of Syria's secretive politics believe Assad's attempt to keep tight control of his forces will not necessarily protect him from being toppled internally if it looks as though he cannot prevail militarily.
Patrick Seale, biographer of Assad's father, Hafez Assad, said: "Assad is a front man for a big security establishment of 300,000 regular army. He has a small clique that supplies him with information. "They might still mount a coup against him and that remains his big threat."
After 16 months, the conflict has reached the seat of Assad's power in Damascus. Government forces and opponents are fighting with the ferocity of those who know what awaits them if they lose. "There is war in Syria: either kill or be killed," said the pro-Syrian Lebanese politician.
A Western diplomat added: "They are fighting like a pack of wolves."
While facts on the ground often cannot be verified because independent media are largely excluded from Syria, the conflict is now seen by observers to have changed from an uprising in poor towns and villages to a civil war that has reached the streets of the capital.
The government is meanwhile losing its ability to spread fear. Defections of senior officers and officials have accelerated in recent weeks although the backbone of the military remains intact due to Alawite solidarity.
"The Syrian regime is slowly and totally sinking. I don't know what the timeline will be. It is becoming difficult for the state to control the country. It is like a fire engine, they extinguish one fire and find that another fire has started in another place," said a senior Western diplomat. "The army is overstretched, the government is under sanctions and there is erosion of power," he added.
Responsibility for defending the Assads is falling on the mainly Alawite battalions led by Maher, Bashar's brother.
In outlying cities and on the outskirts of the capital, residents say the only sign of any government presence is tanks and armored personnel carriers stationed on main roads. Traffic and ordinary police are nowhere to be seen.
Residents stood in disbelief at the sight of rebels manning checkpoints, blocking streets and clashing with government troops in Damascus. "A few days ago, we would have said this was impossible. It is a dangerous indication," said a resident reached by telephone.
Government forces are scared of entering some rebel areas and they use artillery and helicopters gunships to bomb rebel positions, Syrians reached by telephone say.
Close watchers of Damascus say while the authorities' power has been eroding they doubt that a lightly armed rebels can defeat an army, backed with Russian-made tanks, armored personnel carriers and warplanes.
Russia and Iran, Abdel-Nour said, are not just supplying Assad with weapons. They are also providing equipment to intercept the communications of the Free Syrian Army.
Many observers say in the absence of outside military intervention, the conflict could slide into a full-scale civil war that would further weaken the Assads, bring in new players and force an internationally sponsored transfer of power.
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