Hanover aims to gain from Bell Pottinger’s scandalous demise

Hanover has ‘a robust ethics and conflict policy,’ says the firm’s Middle East MD Jonty Summers (Hanover)
Updated 02 January 2018
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Hanover aims to gain from Bell Pottinger’s scandalous demise

DUBAI: The storm that engulfed Bell Pottinger, the UK communications company, last year was a stroke of fortune for a smaller and newer rival.
“It was serendipitous,” said Jonty Summers, managing director of the Middle East business of the London-based consultancy Hanover Communications, which took over Bell Pottinger’s regional arm last year.
The owners, shareholders and staff at Bell Pottinger would not use the same word to describe the collapse of the firm after a scandal in South Africa that involved allegations of racism, kleptocracy and social media manipulation.
The British PR firm was put up for sale after its client in the country, the Gupta family, were exposed as perpetrators of “state capture” — taking over the money-making institutions of South Africa in collusion with a corrupt government. It was the biggest scandal to hit the PR world for many years.
Hanover — which was started in 1998 by Charles Lewington, a former British government media adviser — saw an opportunity in the Middle East, where Bell Pottinger was one of the established names with a presence going back decades with some big clients, especially government-related corporates.
“The original plan was to grow the business for Hanover here just through hard work, but when Bell Pottinger came along it made sense,” Summers explained.
Summers is not concerned that any of the dirt from the Gupta scandal has stuck to Bell Pottinger in the region, nor that there will be any legacy at the merged entity. “Our London management does not suffer from the same traits that Bell Pottinger’s used to. We are decent people who believe in treating others in the way we would like to be treated,” he said.
“The critical difference between the two companies is our respective approach to ethics. The Bell Pottinger Middle East team was a separately run business, with a good client list, let down by poor leadership that did not operate to the same rigorous standards as Hanover. We have conducted extensive due diligence on their clients and are absolutely committed to operating the combined business to the highest ethical standards. We have a robust ethics and conflict policy,” he added.
The acquisition of Bell Pottinger’s Middle East arm gives Hanover an immediate quantum leap in size, adding 17 executives to its payroll for a total strength of 20 — half of them Arabs or Arabic-speaking — with Archie Berens, the former Bell Pottinger boss in the region, chairman of the new business.
It also adds big clients like Aldar, S&P and Senaat to the list of corporates it services in the region. “None of the Bell Pottinger clients in the region left because of the Gupta scandal,” said Summers.
The strategy is to focus on high-end corporate communications advice, with a particular emphasis on those sectors where Hanover already has expertise — health care, financial services, technology and sports — via its global business based in London, Brussels and Dublin.
There, it already services clients like Facebook, Apple and Goldman Sachs, all of which have a big presence in the UAE. One aspiration is that some of that global business might be persuaded to go with Hanover in the Middle East as well; another is to add to the select list of “crisis communication” clients it already has in the region.
Does all this add up to a sound commercial strategy in a highly competitive market? The Middle East has seen an influx of international communications firms over the past decade, especially in the UAE. The opening up of Saudi Arabia under the Vision 2030 strategy has added to this competition, with many firms using the Emirates as a base for operations in the Kingdom.
“It’s no more competitive than London or New York. People will always want advice from good consultants, especially on the top-end strategic side. There aren’t as many good ones as you’d think in that space,” said Summers.
“Our growth has been funded by the profit we make from client work. We have no debt. The big networks are reporting a slowdown but our growth is bucking this trend,” he added.
Summers sees Saudi Arabia as a part of the Hanover strategy in the region, though admitted there are no immediate plans to open an office in the Kingdom nor fly “armies of PR men into Riyadh every Sunday morning,” as he put it.
The London-based Lewington was involved in the 1990s at the tail end of the big privatization drive set in train by former Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher and continued by her successor, John Major, whom Lewington served, and was regarded as a specialist in privatization messaging, especially on the consumer benefits of state sell-offs.
“In Saudi Arabia, it’s likely that demand will rise for strategic corporate communications consultants with an understanding of the culture of the region who can help Saudi companies put plans in place to navigate some of the complexities of privatization,” said Summers.


Egypt tightens grip on media with new bill

This file photo taken on March 22, 2018 shows apps for WhatsApp, Facebook, Instagram and other social networks on a smartphone. (AFP)
Updated 21 July 2018
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Egypt tightens grip on media with new bill

  • Social media accounts and blogs with more than 5,000 followers on sites such as Twitter and Facebook will be treated as media outlets
  • The media council will supervise the law and take action against violations

CAIRO: A controversial law passed by Egypt’s Parliament on Monday classifies social media accounts with more than 5,000 followers as media outlets, exposing them to the country’s harsh regulations for journalists.
Under the new law, social media users with a large following can be subject to prosecution for spreading false news or inciting crime.
The law prohibits the establishment of websites without first obtaining a license from the Supreme Council for the Administration of the Media, a government body with authority to legally suspend or block websites in violation of the country’s strict laws, and penalize editors with hefty fines.
Journalists are also forbidden from filming in prohibited areas, according to the new law.
While the bill stipulates that its provisions will apply to press and media organizations, Article 19 states that personal websites, blogs or social media accounts with no ties to the press are also liable to prosecution and must be licensed by the Supreme Council.
“That power of interpretation has been a powerful legal and executive tool used to justify excessive aggressive and exceptional measures to go after journalists,” Sherif Mansour, Middle East and North Africa program coordinator for the Committee to Protect Journalists, told Reuters this week.
The law’s vague language gives authorities even more power to control the media, he said.
Egypt has faced mounting criticism in recent years for its draconian laws regarding the press and freedom of expression, in addition to widespread human rights violations.
A 2015 counterterrorism law, enacted by President Abdel Fattah El-Sisi, gave the government sweeping powers over the regime’s critics under the guise of protecting the nation. The law allows prosecutors to detain suspects without judicial review, and order surveillance of suspected individuals or organizations without the need for a court order.
With a broad definition of what constitutes a terrorist act, the law creates a vague framework under which the government can arbitrarily detain citizens and implement punishments as severe as the death penalty. The law also requires journalists in Egypt to report only the official state version of any news related to national security.
In May 2017, the Egyptian government blocked about 20 websites affiliated with local and international news outlets, including independent news sites such as Mada Masr and Daily News Egypt, as well as blogs criticizing the regime.
A few months later, the government’s efforts were expanded to include sites affiliated with human rights groups and organizations. This included websites of local NGOs as well as international organizations like Human Rights Watch.
More than 500 websites are now blocked in Egypt, including VPN and proxy sites such as Tor and TunnelBear that allow Egyptians to circumvent online censorship. No official government body has claimed responsibility for blocking the websites.
According to a 2018 report by Human Rights Watch, El-Sisi’s repressive legislation offers the government “near-absolute impunity for abuses by security forces under the pretext of fighting terrorism.”
The report goes on to explain that in addition to numerous extrajudicial killings, hundreds have been placed on terrorism lists without due process with many more civilians being sent to military trials with charges of political dissent.
“The Egyptian Commission for Rights and Freedoms, an independent rights group, said that as of mid-August, 378 people had disappeared over the previous 12 months and the whereabouts of at least 87 remained unknown. These numbers do not include those who were found killed after having gone missing,” the report said.
Reporters Without Borders called Egypt “one of the world’s biggest prisons for journalists” and said that many reporters have spent years in prison without being formally charged.
“The Internet is the only place left where independently reported news and information can circulate, but more than 400 websites have been blocked since the summer of 2017 and more people are being arrested because of their social network posts,” it said.