In Syria’s Idlib, a protester still going strong

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Bahr Nahhas attends a demonstration in the rebel-held town of Maaret al-Numan, in the north of Idlib province on October 19, 2018. (AFP)
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Bahr Nahhas (C) attends a demonstration in the rebel-held town of Maaret al-Numan, in the north of Idlib province on October 19, 2018. (AFP)
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Bahr Nahhas (R) fits a flag on a wooden stick ahead of a demonstration in the rebel-held town of Maaret al-Numan, in the north of Idlib province on October 19, 2018. (AFP)
Updated 31 October 2018
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In Syria’s Idlib, a protester still going strong

  • Protesters would kiss and hug each other, Nahhas recalled, exhilarated by the prospect of speaking out freely against Syria’s iron-fisted regime
  • Nahhas said he has lost many of his fellow protesters in Syria’s war, which has killed more than 360,000 people and displaced millions

MAARET AL-NUMAN, Syria: Nearly eight years after he joined his very first protest against Syria’s regime, Bahr Nahhas still demonstrates every week with unwaning energy, even if the slogans have changed.
Just like he has since 2011, the 45-year-old tilemaker carefully paints clever slogans on protest banners before each Friday rally in his rebel-held hometown of Maaret Al-Numan, in Syria’s northwest Idlib.
But their tone has evolved, as popular demonstrations spiralled into active conflict, foreign powers got involved, and the area around him became home to diehard jihadists.
In his very first protest in March 2011, Nahhas demanded “freedom and dignity” in solidarity with other cities rising up against President Bashar Assad’s regime.
“I’ll never forget those days for the rest of my life,” said the tall, olive-skinned father of five.
Protesters would kiss and hug each other, Nahhas recalled, exhilarated by the prospect of speaking out freely against Syria’s iron-fisted regime.
“We hoped to bring down the regime in just a few days or weeks,” he said, his hair and beard greying.
Instead, a drawn-out conflict has seen Russia-backed regime troops slowly roll back rebel and jihadist gains nationwide, until this summer they started to mass around the Idlib region.
That prompted residents of Idlib, including Nahhas, to protest once more in order to head off the assault.
“By going down to the streets, we are telling people that we are a coexisting, peaceful people asking for freedom and dignity,” he said.
Now, a shaky buffer zone is keeping regime troops away from the region, more than half of which is held by the Hayat Tahrir Al-Sham alliance, led by former Al-Qaeda jihadists.

But for Nahhas, hard-liners do not represent all of Idlib.
“We have gone out to protest again to tell the world that we are not terrorists,” Nahhas said, wearing a short-sleeved stripy white and black shirt.
Most days of the week, he makes floor tiles, scooping a grey mixture into a square mold with large yellow gloves, before pushing each into a small oven.
But with the week’s end approaching, he left his workshop to prepare banners for the town’s Friday protests.
Inside a building still under construction, he knelt over a long white sheet, brushing curly Arabic letters across it in thick black paint.
Nahhas said he has lost many of his fellow protesters in Syria’s war, which has killed more than 360,000 people and displaced millions.
“Some were killed, some were arrested and are being held in the regime’s jails, some were tortured to death, and some emigrated to Turkey or to Europe,” he said.
Others picked up weapons to fight, but Nahhas decided not to.
“Words can be stronger than weapons,” Nahhas said, as he prepared signs in Arabic and neat, block-lettered English.
Outside, young men hoisted up protest signs in the street.
A young man in a black hoody stood inside the elevated metal lip of a bulldozer, reaching down for a banner before tying one end to a rusty pole.

Maaret Al-Numan’s protests trace the arc of the Syrian conflict, rising up against the regime, the Daesh group, and former Al-Qaeda fighters.
“We were among the first towns to go out into the streets against Daesh,” Nahhas said, using an Arabic acronym for IS.
IS briefly held parts of Maaret Al-Numan before opposition fighters expelled them in 2014, according to the Syrian Observatory for Human Rights.
“Afterwards, we protested against Al-Nusra... and they were kicked out too,” added Nahhas, referring to the group that later became HTS.
Turkish-backed rebels ousted HTS from the town this year after months of fighting, the Britain-based war monitor says.
All along, the town weathered bombardment by the regime and its Russian ally.
Nahhas said he is still haunted by an air strike on a primary school in the town several years ago that killed three students and maimed several others.
“I rushed to rescue the pupils after the raid, but I couldn’t see anyone because of all the dust,” he said.
“I found one of the students reaching out to me, begging. I carried him out to a car outside the school. His leg had been cut off.”
He pulled out one victim after the other, until rescue workers arrived. “I couldn’t take it anymore and I collapsed,” he said.
Friday’s demonstration got underway after midday prayers.
Carrying a small child, Nahhas melted into the crowd of demonstrators, surrounded by banners he helped make.
Assad has vowed to eventually retake Maaret Al-Numan and wider Idlib, but the veteran protester remained defiant.
“There’s no way this revolution — that has seen so many people killed and jailed — can end before the regime is toppled,” Nahhas said.


How Meir Kahane’s toxic legacy poisoned the Palestinian peace process

Updated 22 April 2019
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How Meir Kahane’s toxic legacy poisoned the Palestinian peace process

  • Brooklyn-born rabbi who demanded forced emigration of Arabs and inspired Israel’s far right is latest subject of Arab News ‘Preachers of Hate’ series
  • As a member of the Israeli parliament, Kahane proposed laws to strip Arabs of citizenship and force their emigration

JEDDAH: As Israel’s most right-wing government in living memory prepares to take office, the outlook for the Palestinian-Israeli peace process has rarely been more dismal.

After his narrow election victory this month, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu is clinging to office by assembling a coalition of Knesset members with no interest in peace. They range from far-right ultra Zionists to overt racists. Many, in particular the Otzma Yehudit, or “Jewish Power” party, are acolytes of Meir Kahane — a Brooklyn-born rabbi who co-founded the militant Jewish Defense League in 1968,  joined the West Bank settler movement and established an extremist Israeli political party.

It is because of this toxic legacy that Kahane is the subject today of Preachers of Hate — the Arab News series that exposes extremist clerics of all religions and nationalities, places their words and deeds in context, and explains their malign influence on those who follow them.

As a member of the Knesset, Kahane proposed laws to strip Arabs of citizenship and force their emigration. 

In the end he proved too extreme even for the Israeli far right; he was disqualified from running for office, and was eventually assassinated in New York in 1990.

Kahane’s hatred lives on, however, in Israel’s continuing rejection of the Palestinian people’s entitlement to basic human dignity, far less a meaningful peace process and an independent state.

As the leading academic and Arab News columnist Yossi Mekelberg writes today: “Few people have contaminated the discourse within Israel with sheer hatred and anti-Arab bigotry as much as Meir Kahane.”

 

Also Read: Meir Kahane: A torch to fuel anti-Arab hatred