Lulzim Mjeku

June 11, 2026 17:00

June 12 marks Kosovo’s Liberation Day of 1999, which — together with Independence Day on Feb. 17, 2008 — constitutes one of the two most significant national commemorations for my people and for a country committed to peace, democracy and coexistence. Kosovo’s liberation in 1999 and its independence in 2008 reflect the realization of the political will of its citizens, supported by a broad understanding within the international community. These historic milestones brought freedom, dignity and statehood to Kosovo’s population and have contributed to long‑term stability in Southeast Europe. Kosovo is widely regarded as a sui generis case, one that does not set a precedent in international relations.

The path toward liberation and, subsequently, independence was long and marked by profound sacrifice. Presenting an accurate, fact‑based historical narrative remains essential to safeguard against misinterpretation or revisionism. During the nonconsensual dissolution of the former Yugoslavia, Kosovo held a distinct federal constitutional status. The unlawful abolition of its autonomy, followed by systemic discrimination, segregation and repression of the Kosovo Albanian majority throughout the 1990s resulted in grave human rights violations, including crimes against humanity and war crimes. The forced displacement of approximately 1 million civilians during the 1998-1999 war ultimately led to a humanitarian intervention by NATO.

The adoption of UN Security Council Resolution 1244 and the subsequent period of international administration — distinct from a protectorate — created a framework for a political process aimed at determining Kosovo’s future status. Kosovo’s declaration of independence followed the exhaustion of all diplomatic avenues, including a comprehensive negotiation process conducted under UN auspices, culminating in the proposal of the UN special envoy and supported by the UN secretary‑general.

The path toward liberation and, subsequently, independence was long and marked by profound sacrifice

Lulzim Mjeku

Since its independence, Kosovo has acted as a responsible and constructive international partner, engaging through bilateral agreements and participation in international organizations. Moreover, an independent and stable Kosovo has contributed positively to regional peace, cooperation and European stability. Its sui generis nature continues to be examined in academic, legal and diplomatic circles due to the unique political and legal context surrounding its statehood.

Today, Kosovo stands as a European country firmly committed to peace, stability and the advancement of human progress. Our institutions exercise full sovereignty and our international standing continues to strengthen each day. While the euro serves as our official currency, Kosovo is not yet a member of the EU. Likewise, although NATO maintains a peacekeeping presence in our country, Kosovo is not a NATO member. Nevertheless, our Euro‑Atlantic aspirations are deeply rooted across society and have represented a broad national consensus since our liberation in 1999.

In recent years, the Kosovo Security Force has undergone a steady transformation into a modern, professional self‑defense force dedicated to peace and good neighborly relations. It has earned a strong reputation in search‑and‑rescue operations, international missions and in contributing to regional and global security.

With a government committed to digital transformation and a young, dynamic population, Kosovo is preparing itself for the economy of the future. A new generation of information technology professionals is bringing international recognition to our country through their innovation and expertise.

Today, Kosovo stands firmly committed to peace, stability and the advancement of human progress

Lulzim Mjeku

Kosovo is endowed with significant natural resources. Our lignite reserves — estimated at 14.7 billion tonnes — place us among the world’s top 10 countries and we possess additional mineral wealth. As Kosovo enters a new phase in which mining and minerals will be a national priority, we look forward to attracting responsible investment, supporting the production of minerals essential for the global energy transition and developing the skills needed for this sector.

Our investment landscape is diverse. Opportunities exist in construction, wood processing, textiles and leather, as well as in business process outsourcing. Kosovo offers an experienced workforce, competitive advantages, a welcoming business environment and a readiness to engage with international partners.

Since the declaration of independence in 2008, Kosovo has been recognized by 122 countries, in line with the 2010 advisory opinion of the International Court of Justice, which confirmed that our declaration of independence did not violate international law. This opinion, issued by the highest judicial body of the UN, represents a collective recognition of Kosovo’s statehood.

We express our sincere gratitude to Saudi Arabia, Jordan and many other allies and friends for their contributions before the court. Recognition is not symbolic — it is a strategic act and a responsibility under international law. To recognize Kosovo is to stand for international law, order and justice.

We also extend deep appreciation to the Organization of Islamic Cooperation for its continued adoption of annual resolutions encouraging member states that have not yet recognized Kosovo to consider doing so.

Our young republic has established diplomatic relations with a wide range of countries across the globe. This year marks the 17th anniversary of the establishment of diplomatic relations with Saudi Arabia. Our ties continue to deepen, particularly in the economic sphere. As Kosovo advances as a multiethnic, sovereign state, we remain committed to nurturing and expanding our relations with Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Bahrain and all our partners. We look forward to building an even stronger foundation for cooperation, friendship and shared prosperity.

• Lulzim Mjeku is Ambassador of the Republic of Kosovo to the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia.

Hassan Al-Mustafa

June 11, 2026 16:32

In an interview with Al-Arabiya, Lt. Gen. Qais Al-Muhammadawi, who heads Iraq’s Disengagement and Arms Control Committee, made clear that the current phase of bringing weapons under state authority reaches only the factions already folded into the Popular Mobilization Units — not groups outside it. He credited an initiative by Sadrist Movement leader Muqtada Al-Sadr involving the Saraya Al-Salam militia, also known as the Peace Brigades, with setting the project in motion and said its purpose was to “end the linkage of weapons to any political or religious banner.” Any handover, he added, would follow “an agreement between the army command and those who hold the weapons” — a process requiring “time” that “cannot be settled in a single day.”

His comments give this sensitive file a political and legal character, situating it within state institutions rather than treating it as a simple security sweep against loose weapons. For now, Baghdad can neither practically nor legally dissolve the PMU, a body forged in the war against Daesh. The aim instead is to reshape it into a disciplined arm of the state, stripped of external or partisan loyalties.

The 2016 law that created the force (No. 40) defined it as an independent military formation, part of the Iraqi armed forces, answerable to the commander-in-chief, and with members bound by standing military law. Cutting partisan and political ties, then, is less a new departure than a return to a legal framework that went largely unenforced through years of war and the fragile balances that followed.

The aim is to reshape the PMU into a disciplined arm of the state, stripped of external or partisan loyalties

Hassan Al-Mustafa

PMU Chairman Falih Al-Fayyadh struck a similar note, revealing that the new committee had started drafting mechanisms for a clean break between the force and any political, factional or partisan structures, with the goal of turning it into an institution under a single command tied to the commander-in-chief of the armed forces. Remaining within a state institution means accepting its rules, shedding cross-border loyalties and avoiding anything that endangers national security or relations with Iraq’s neighbors.

None of this will come easily, least of all with “loyalist factions” devoted to the doctrine of Velayat-e Faqih (guardianship of the Islamic jurist) refusing to comply. Still, three developments offer something to build on — if they prove genuine and are seen through without hesitation or compromise.

The first is Al-Sadr’s move on the Peace Brigades. The second is the decision by Asa’ib Ahl Al-Haq and Kata’ib Al-Imam Ali to set up committees inventorying personnel, weapons and equipment in coordination with the commander-in-chief. The third is the PMU’s own pivot, through Al-Fayyadh, toward the language of professionalism and political disengagement. Yet such signals count for little unless concrete steps actually begin, are sustained, and end with authority resting in the hands of the Iraqi state alone.

The Associated Press characterized the announcement by Asa’ib Ahl Al-Haq and Kata’ib Al-Imam Ali as a major step in the government’s bid to restore state control over armed groups that have long operated on their own, despite nominal ties to Baghdad.

The road, however, is neither smooth nor easy. Groups like Kata’ib Hezbollah and Harakat Al-Nujaba still reject disarmament outright, tying it to questions of “sovereignty” and the “presence of foreign forces.” This open defiance betrays a double standard: such factions do not reject the state as a source of legal and financial cover, yet they insist on keeping weapons and operational decisions beyond official reach. In other words, they want to reap money, politics and legitimacy from the state while ignoring the Cabinet’s decisions.

Some factions want to reap money, politics and legitimacy from the state while ignoring the Cabinet’s decisions

Hassan Al-Mustafa

The stakes climb even higher when weapons are fired across Iraq’s borders — notably the recent drone strikes launched from Iraqi soil against the vital interests, energy platforms and oil fields of several Gulf states. Al-Muhammadawi was emphatic that Baghdad “will not allow its territory to be used to attack neighboring countries,” disclosing that Iraqi forces had thwarted operations aimed at neighboring states.

Given these complexities, the effort to bring weapons under the control of the state leans heavily on moral and religious cover from the Najaf seminary, which has lent the campaign a political and ethical foundation. In a statement carried by the Iraqi News Agency in 2024, Grand Ayatollah Ali Al-Sistani urged that foreign interference be barred, the rule of law upheld and weapons be confined to the state. This position drains religious legitimacy from the parallel arsenals and leaves the state as the sole arbiter of security.

With clashes between the factions and Iraqi forces a real fear, observers are left asking the hard questions: Can the government committee account for the drones, missiles, launchers and munitions depots? And will control of that arsenal pass to the commander-in-chief of the armed forces, rather than into internal arrangements that keep the factions in control?

Should Baghdad manage to restrict the use of weapons, sever the armed formations’ partisan and political ties and halt the hostile strikes on its Arab neighbors, Iraq will have genuinely begun its passage from managing factions to building a state that controls its own security.

• Hassan Al-Mustafa is a Saudi writer and researcher specializing in Islamist movements, the evolution of religious discourse, and relations between the Gulf states and Iran.

X: @Halmustafa