Arab coalition destroys two Houthi boats loaded with explosives

Houthis have used boats rigged with explosives in the past. (File/Arab Coalition)
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Updated 09 July 2020

Arab coalition destroys two Houthi boats loaded with explosives

  • The boats were six kilometres south off Al-Saleef port in Hodeidah
  • Foiled attacks highlight Houthi threat to Red Sea shipping

AL-MUKALLA: Two boats filled with explosives were destroyed near Hodeidah’s Salif port, the Saudi-led coalition said on Thursday, highlighting the Houthi rebels’ continued threat to international shipping in the Red Sea.

Yemeni political analysts and military leaders warn that the Houthi threat will persist while the Iran-backed militants control strategic locations on the Red Sea, including the major port city of Hodeidah.

Baha Khalefa, a Yemeni government officer who took part in a UN-led committee that oversaw a truce in Hodeidah, told Arab News that army troops received information that two boats assembled and laden with explosives at Salif port were poised to hit targets in the Red Sea.

“The Houthis used the port to prepare the explosive-laden boats since, along with Ras Isa, it is one of the two closest points to international waters in the Red Sea,” Khalefa said.

Government troops halted their offensive as they battled Houthis on the eastern outskirts of Hodeidah after the internationally recognized government and the rebels signed the Stockholm Agreement in late 2018.

The foiled attacks in Hodeida have again focused attention on the debate surrounding the ending of the offensive.

“Houthis will continue to pose a threat to Yemen and international navigation as along as they control Hodeidah,” Khalefa said.

The militants receive arms supplies and also generate huge amounts money from the city's ports, he said.

Liberating the city would lead to Houthi financial sources and military supplies drying up, Khalefa claimed.

“They will crumble everywhere if they lose Hodeidah.”

Yemeni analysts agree that the Houthi’s military capability in the province poses a threat to Red Sea shipping.

The militants are no longer a risk in the Arabian Sea or Bab Al-Mandab after government forces expelled fighters from Yemen’s southern and western provinces, analysts say.

“The targeted boats confirm again that the Red Sea and the Bab Al-Mandab will remain insecure and a hotbed of tension if Houthi military forces remain in Hodeidah province,” Saleh Al-Baydani, a Yemeni political analyst, told Arab News.

He said that the Stockholm Agreement has largely failed to bring peace to Hodeidah.

“The agreement must be reviewed and the government should take control of Hodeidah to put an end to failures,” Al-Baydani said.

Abdurrahman Hajjri, a leader with the Tehama Resistance, which launched a campaign against the Houthis, said the militants have turned the province’s ports into “hubs” to bring in advanced weapons from Iran after learning that government forces would halt their advance under the Stockholm Agreement.

He called for the Houthis to be “purged” from Hodeidah.

“Hodeidah and Salif seaports are the main artery of arms supplies to the Houthis and starting points for terrorist attacks in the Red Sea,” he told Arab News by telephone. “The only solution to the Houthi threats is liberating Hodeidah and bringing it and the entire coastline under state control.”

Despite the Yemeni government’s strong criticism that the Stockholm Agreement had allowed the Houthis to resupply and regroup, the UN’s Yemen envoy Martin Griffiths told Arab News in April that the pact averted a major military offensive that could ruin the city and worsen the humanitarian crisis in the country, which relies on imports of food and medicine through Hodeidah’s ports.
 


Political novices drawn to rally against Netanyahu

Updated 13 August 2020

Political novices drawn to rally against Netanyahu

  • The boisterous rallies have brought out a new breed of first-time protesters — young, middle-class Israelis

JERUSALEM: In a summer of protests against Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, the accusations of corruption and calls for him to resign could be accompanied by another familiar refrain: “I’ve never done this before.”

The boisterous rallies have brought out a new breed of first-time protesters — young, middle-class Israelis who have little history of political activity but feel that Netanyahu’s scandal-plagued rule and his handling of the coronavirus crisis have robbed them of their futures. It is a phenomenon that could have deep implications for the country’s leaders.

“It’s not only about the COVID-19 and the government’s handling of the situation,” said Shachar Oren, a 25-year-old protester. “It’s also about the people that cannot afford to eat and cannot afford to live. I am one of those people.”

Oren is among the thousands of people who gather outside Netanyahu’s official residence in Jerusalem several times a week, calling on the longtime leader to resign. The young demonstrators have delivered a boost of momentum to a movement of older, more established protesters who have been saying Netanyahu should step down when he is on trial for corruption charges.

The loose-knit movements have joined forces to portray Netanyahu as an out-of-touch leader, with the country’s most bloated government in history and seeking hundreds of thousands of dollars of tax benefits for himself at a time when the coronavirus outbreak is raging and unemployment has soared to over 20 percent.

Many of the young protesters have lost their jobs or seen their career prospects jeopardized. They have given the protests a carnival-like atmosphere, pounding on drums and dancing in the streets in colorful costumes while chanting vitriolic slogans against the prime minister.

Netanyahu has tried to dismiss the protesters as “leftists” or “anarchists.” Erel Segal, a commentator close to the prime minister, has called the gatherings “a Woodstock of hatred.”

Despite such claims, there are no signs that any opposition parties are organizing the gatherings. Politicians have been noticeably absent from most of the protests.

Israel has a long tradition of political protest, be it peace activists, West Bank settlers or ultra-Orthodox Jews. The new wave of protesters seems to be characterized by a broader, mainstream appeal.

“The partisan issue is totally missing, and the party organizations are not present,” said Tamar Hermann, a researcher at the Israel Democracy Institute, a Jerusalem think tank and expert on protest movements.

Hermann said the protesters resemble many other protest movements around the world. “They are mostly middle class,” she said. “And they were kicked out of work.”

Oren, for instance, said he used to survive on a modest salary as a software analyst thanks to training he received in an Israeli military high-tech unit. Then he moved into tutoring — offering lessons in English, computers and chess to schoolchildren.

He said things were not easy, but he was “too busy surviving” to think about political activity. That changed when the coronavirus crisis began in March.

Oren’s business crashed.

With unemployment soaring, Netanyahu and his rival, Benny Gantz, formed a coalition with 34 Cabinet ministers, the largest government in Israel’s history. Beyond the generous salaries, these ministers, many with vague titles, enjoy perks like drivers, security guards and office space, and can hand out jobs to cronies.

A Netanyahu ally dismissed reports that people were having trouble feeding their families as “BS.”

Oren said he became “furious,” and about two months ago, he went to his first protest against the nation’s leaders. “They are there because we gave them the power and want them to help us. And they’re not doing anything,” he explained.

Oren now treks to Jerusalem from his home in the city of Kfar Saba in central Israel, about an hour away, three times a week. He is easily recognizable with his poster that says “House of Corruption,” depicting Netanyahu in a pose similar to Kevin Spacey’s nefarious “House of Cards” character, Frank Underwood.

Oren says he does not belong to any political party or any of the movements organizing the rallies, but that the diverse group of activists all want similar things. “No to the corruption, the poverty, the detachment. We’re just saying enough,” he said.

University student Stav Piltz went through a similar evolution. Living in downtown Jerusalem near Netanyahu’s residence, she quickly noticed the demonstrations in her neighborhood when they began several months ago. She talked to protesters as well as local residents at the cafe where she waitressed before she was laid off.

She said she noticed a common theme. “They feel that something is very critical now in the political climate and no one is listening to the citizens and the pain we are experiencing,” she said.

But Piltz said the spark that drew her to protest was a national strike last month by the country’s social workers.

Piltz, herself a social work student, said she has a history of social activism but has never been involved with party politics. The collection of women, coming from different religious, political, ethnic and racial backgrounds, was a powerful sight. “This is where I saw how much power we have when we are together,” she said.

The demonstrations, which have gained strength in recent weeks, are the largest sustained wave of public protests since hundreds of thousands of people took to the streets in 2011 to draw attention to the country’s high cost of living. While those protests ultimately fizzled, two of their leaders entered parliament, and one, Itzik Shmuli, is now the country’s welfare minister.

Both Piltz and Oren said they are determined to keep up their activities in the long term.

“People have nothing to lose. So it’s very easy to go demonstrate these days, especially if you’re young and you see no future here,” Piltz said.

Hermann, the political analyst, said too many Israeli youths have been “politically ignorant” and that it is a “very good sign” for the country’s democracy that people are becoming involved.

The leaders, however, may not be so pleased to face a politically aware young generation.

“They are much more difficult to be controlled while they gain political views and confidence,” she said.