Not even the road map for peace and the admission by President Bush and top US officials that a Palestinian statehood is imperative are enough to make Israel snap out of its fantasy. The Israeli Knesset ratified late last Tuesday a declaration that the West Bank and Gaza Strip are not territories occupied by Israel. The declaration, referring to the territories as “Yehuda and Samaria”, suggests that the West Bank and Gaza are therefore part of the “Greater Israel”.
That is not the interesting part yet. The draft was submitted by the Likud party, a presumed “peace partner” with the Palestinian leadership, appointed to ensure honest, flawless implementation of the road map peace initiative brokered by the United States. The draft went further by affirming what Israel calls its red lines that must not be crossed in any future peace settlements. These tabooed red lines smash the essence of everything the Palestinian people have aspired to, including the right of return, East Jerusalem, control over their natural resources and more. The draft, in fact, represents the foundation of Israel’s reading of a peaceful settlement in the region: Give us everything we ask for, expect nothing in return, and don’t you dare revolt in protest.
What is stranger than all of this is that Israel, despite the unmistakable indications of its defiance, is able to promote itself in the United States and elsewhere as a peace partner who is eager to cease the bloodshed and restore peace talks with the Palestinians. Israel insists on dealing with the matter from two angles, one religious and the other militaristic.
Israel’s version of reality is of itself as a modern state established on twisted interpretations of biblical promises and a methodology that can hardly be supported in a civilized, diverse world. Secondly, the Jewish state still thinks of its relationships with the Palestinians and its Arab neighbors in terms of victory and defeat.
According to a recent poll published by the Israeli Hebrew daily Yeodoth Aharonot, a minority of Israelis find their country the victorious party in the Palestinian uprising. Nonetheless, Palestinians are expected to negotiate based on the arrogant principal of take-it-or-leave-it politics. If Israel’s Ariel Sharon bothered to re-examine the failed peace talks between former Prime Minister Ehud Barak and President Yasser Arafat, he would have realized that such arrogant peace proposals simply don’t work.
Israelis are still bewildered as to why Palestinians reject Israel’s vision for peace in the Middle East while defiantly failing to offer them anything meaningful that’s worth considering. So consumed by their need for security, the fulfillment of biblical promises and keeping the race pure, many Israelis have paid little attention to what Palestinians seek in a peaceful future. In Israel’s interpretation of peace, as clearly indicated by repeated statements made by the Israeli government and a quick examination of Israeli’s red lines, Palestinians are simply irrelevant. For example, both Israelis and Palestinians are expected to implement confidence-building measures before diving into the much more complicated detail. But one can confidently argue that Israel has done very little to foster trust with the Palestinians. Quite apart from the obvious violations of the road map by the Israeli Army on the ground, top Israeli officials including Sharon himself have instructed the government to continue with the construction of illegal settlements in the Occupied Territories.
As scores of Palestinian mothers are holding weekly vigils in Gaza City carrying framed pictures of their sons and daughters who are still imprisoned in Israeli jails, Israel’s Minister of Infrastructure Avigdor Lieberman delivered a message to them. According to AFP, Lieberman commented on the prisoners issue saying: “It would be better to drown these prisoners in the Dead Sea if possible, since that’s the lowest point in the world.” How about that for a confidence-building measure?
As if these indications were not enough to reflect Israel’s real intentions, the Knesset insisted on adding more fuel to the fire, declaring the West Bank and Gaza “unoccupied areas”. The draft was approved into law by a majority of 26 lawmakers, including 17 Likud members, crowned by the vote of Sharon’s son Omri. While the new bill ended the debate on what Israel is willing or not willing to “concede”, by reaffirming its illegal ownership of the occupied territories, the self-absorbed Israeli Parliament didn’t fail to remind Palestinians of “their duties” toward Israel.
According to the new law, dismantling the infrastructure of “Palestinian terrorism” and the cessation of anti-Israeli rhetoric remain preconditions for Israel’s return to the negotiation table. But what’s the point of returning to this pathetic table if there is nothing left for Palestinians to talk about?
Israel has changed little of its old ways. One can hardly deny that the Palestinian Authority’s past submissions to such a mentality is one of the reasons that made Israel more malicious in its attitude to the Palestinians. But what matters most today is the fact that Palestinians must insist on an alternative framework, a frame of reference that adheres to international law, not to biblical law.
To achieve a lasting peace, the Palestinian leadership must not submit under any circumstances to Israel’s brutal style of negotiations under fire, siege and endless threats. The PA must in fact strengthen its ties with various Palestinian groups, not as a clever tactic that could lead to their disintegration, but because these resilient segments of the Palestinian society constitute the PA’s only strategic depth. Needless to say, Palestinians must provide an even clearer agenda prior to any involvement in any future talks than that provided by Israel.
If the Palestinian leadership doesn’t display resolve, clarity and consistency, Israel’s tactics of violating the rules of peace and blaming Palestinians for them will remain the vicious cycle of the Middle East for many years to come.
— Ramzy Baroud is the editor in chief of Palestine Chronicle.
