George Bush back in the White House will pursue his “anti-terrorism” policy with renewed vigor. That makes Pakistan a continuing “special partner” for the US. In his first term Bush approved a $3 billion package for Pakistan that was also granted the status of a non-NATO ally. Significantly Washington’s Pakistan policy under Bush, in its scope, surpasses that of the fifties when it was a more narrowly based security relationship.
Evolving against the backdrop of an aggressive unilateralist US foreign policy responsible for the death of thousands of innocent Muslims in Iraq, Afghanistan and Palestine, this relationship faces unprecedented criticism within Pakistan. Yet this relationship is also more robust than that of the fifties. Its expansion appears inevitable.
Given that Pakistan has a crucial link to most global issues ranging from WMD, nuclear proliferation, counterterrorism, political extremism, clash of civilizations, success of rebuilding Afghanistan and crucial trade communications in Asia, the United States has no option but to engage with Pakistan holistically.
Pakistan is the swivel around which matters of trade, security, politics and economy revolve. After all Pakistan’s geographical location links it to four different regions: South Asia, Southwest Asia, China and Central Asia.
The effect of the US proxy war against the Soviet Union clearly demonstrated the pivotal character of Pakistan. By virtue of its location Pakistan has the inherent strength to influence security, trade and commerce, ideology and social state of all the four regions that surround it. The US policy of using the Islamic sentiments and teachings in the Madrasas, by injecting Kalashnikov and guerrilla training was not to remain restricted to the Afghan war theater. By design or by the logic of unintended consequences, this weaponized and religiously framed hatred spread in the four regions to undermine security and stability.
Unresolved conflicts like Kashmir, the ongoing Pakistan-India cold war, the restive situation in Sin-kiang and the subsequent problems in Chechnya combined with the lingering tragedy of Palestine all provided a conducive environment for the spread of this weaponized hatred.
Significantly the Pakistan-US cooperation of the eighties established two facts. One, that a force-led and hatred-fed approach to national security could devastatingly undermine security. Two, it reinforced Pakistan’s role as a potent pivotal state. It was not until the tragedy of Sept.11 that the US fully recognized these two facts. Sept. 11 demonstrated that the effects of US policy toward Soviet-occupied Afghanistan could hit its original mentor. Similarly the significance of Pakistan as a key partner for the rollback of this negative phenomenon was also fully acknowledged.
At the same time the US invasion of Iraq established that Pakistan would part ways with Washington where necessary. Islamabad also criticizes, even if the criticism is muted, the excesses against Guantanamo prisoners. Overriding all this is Pakistan’s desire to enter into an active security and development partnership with the United States.
At present there are ministerial level bilateral structures like the Defense Consultative Group, Working Group on Counter-Terrorism and Law Enforcement, Joint Economic Forum, Trade and Investment Frame work Agreement (TIFA). These are institutionalized efforts to ensure continuity to expand the relationship in these areas. Anti-terrorism, security linkages, broad liberalism and social development constitute the substance of this relationship.
There is cooperation in Afghanistan, Indo-Pak ties, WMD and nuclear nonproliferation. The $3 billion multi-year aid package and granting Pakistan the non-NATO ally status is a manifestation of this cooperation.
However with Bush back in office and the Republican control over the Congress and Senate, Pakistan-US relationship will grow in the coming years. Any question of a US policy change toward Pakistan is misplaced. The logic of the post-Sept.11 re-engagement with Pakistan still holds.
In Pakistan the relationship is criticized on two scores. First, Washington ignores the need for genuine democracy. The second charge is that to please Washington the government of Pakistan is arresting innocent Pakistanis in Wana and beyond as part of its anti-terrorism drive. Whatever may be the opposition criticism, Pakistan-US relations are likely to remain on track. Washington cannot pursue its global security agenda without Pakistan. Close ties with the US serves Pakistan’s socioeconomic and security interests. Only the relationship should be conducted with skill and dignity.
— Nasim Zehra is a fellow of the Harvard University Asia Center.
