For a supposed beleaguered president, George W. Bush continues to show an amazing ability, adversity be damned, to move forward on all fronts. In a week which saw the president’s approval rating continue to hover around a record-low 40 percent, Bush scored two of his most impressive legislative victories to date, as Congress passed the Energy Policy Act and the Central American Free Trade Agreement (CAFTA).
But as is always the case with Bush, there is a fine line between Texas-sized confidence and arrogance. To most Democrats, and even some Republicans, the recess appointment of John Bolton as Ambassador to the United Nations not only crosses the line, but demonstrates the imperious nature of the Bush administration, which time and again has proven unwilling to compromise with friend or foe on the international or domestic scene. More frustratingly, it highlights the continued powerlessness of Bush’s critics, who are unable to stop even his most egregious moves.
Bush’s decision to grant Bolton a recess appointment — a seldom used technique which allows a president to temporarily nominate diplomats for posts without congressional approval — could have negative consequences for both US diplomacy and the United Nations. Bolton’s allegedly brusque, bullying, and overtly partisan manner is not ideal for diplomats, particularly in sensitive posts. Since he was nominated for the UN, Bolton, who is an ally of Vice President Cheney and the neoconservative wing of the Republican Party, has been specifically critiqued for improper conduct with his underlings, and more ominously, misusing intelligence reports.
He has also been blamed for escalating tension with North Korea, which undermined sensitive arms control negotiations with Pyongyang. According to some reports, Bolton was kept out of the loop while the US negotiated with Libya for fear he would disrupt those talks too. Over the course of his career he has consistently declared his contempt for the United Nations. Rumor has it that Condoleezza Rice pushed for Bolton’s appointment because she wanted him removed as Under Secretary of State for Arms Control and International Security. He is, by most accounts, the proverbial bull in the china shop.
Bolton’s nomination was blocked earlier this year by Senate Democrats and Republicans such as George Voinovich. Normally, this would be the death knell for a nominee, because it is generally not in the interest of the administration to fight a pitched battle with the legislative branch over a controversial appointment. Usually, the nominee is asked to withdraw himself from consideration. But Bush stubbornly refused to give in, keeping Bolton in purgatory until the Senate recessed for the summer.
Bush’s appointment of Bolton comes after an extremely successful week in Congress. With Americans increasingly concerned over the price of gasoline, Bush had long pushed for passage of a comprehensive energy bill. Despite his support, however, the bill stalled in Congress for five years, often over divisive issues such as allowing increased oil drilling in the Alaskan wildlife refuge, raising automobile fuel efficiency, and granting legal immunity to producers of the MTBE fuel additive.
In the end, Congress passed a bill which avoided most hot-button issues. The bill that finally passed focused heavily on increasing supply, and was laden with tax incentives for energy and oil companies — companies long viewed as allies of the president. The legislation also encourages production of clean-burning coal, expansion of nuclear power, and increased use of ethanol. Few believe it will decrease American demand for foreign oil or lower prices at the pump.
On July 27, the House of Representatives narrowly approved CAFTA — which had already won approval from the Senate — by a vote of 217-215. Congressional Democrats, even those traditionally support of free trade, vehemently opposed CAFTA, complaining of the agreement’s weak labor provisions. Many southern and farm-state Republicans opposed the deal because it is expected to harm the textile and sugar industries. And while the debate itself was contentious, the bigger issue at stake was the Bush administration’s trade agenda. Many believed that had CAFTA failed, Bush would be incapable of pushing additional trade agreements through Congress — including those in the Broader Middle East region.
But Bush, backed strongly by the US Chamber of Commerce and the business community, aggressively pushed for CAFTA’s passage. The White House used a variety of carrots and sticks to entice members such as North Carolina’s Robin Hayes to switch positions. Hayes and others changed their positions at the last minute in the face of overwhelming White House pressure. Bush, Cheney, and Rice all paid visits to Congress on the day of the CAFTA vote, and in the end, the White House was again victorious.
Ordinarily, a second-term president has difficulty moving his agenda in Congress, even if his party controls both chambers. Congress usually begins to think more of its own survival rather than the administration’s. Prior to last week’s votes, there was evidence that Bush’s hegemony over the Congressional Republicans, and Congress as a whole, was beginning to wane. Many felt that had Bush failed to pass either bill, he would have immediately entered a lame-duck period.
Indeed, when the lame duck problem eventually strikes Bush, it may be accentuated since Vice President Cheney has indicated he will not seek the presidency in 2008; other Republicans are already vying for control of the party.
Basking in the glow of the energy and CAFTA victories, Bush has now firmly resolved the Bolton issue. Time will tell if the Bolton move will have lasting repercussions, but at a minimum it shows how little Bush fears offending Congress.
— David Dumke is Principal of the MidAmr Group.
