Though the Israeli human rights group B’Tselem says that the number of deaths in Israeli-Palestinian violence fell sharply in 2007 as compared to 2006, it also emphasized Gaza’s humanitarian crisis. The Israeli siege of Gaza and the closure of the strip to aid from the international community have greatly exacerbated the economic situation. In 2006, 57 percent of Palestinian families had a monthly income below the national poverty line, while 44 percent of that number was classified as being in extreme poverty. The number of those dependent on UN aid in the strip comes to 782,000 and increases by the day. That number may ultimately depend entirely on external aid if the situation does not change. Israel makes all the decisions about what goods can pass into or out of the Gaza Strip. Only 10 essential supplies are now permitted. It is an unprecedented regime of control and neglect with no apparent mechanism of appeal.
The Israeli plan to punish all Gazans for the missiles fired into Israeli territory is apparently moving into a new phase. A second round of fuel cuts reportedly started on Dec. 30, with a military-ordered reduction of some 35-43 percent in the amount of gasoline that will now be supplied to the Gaza Strip.
The truth, still resisted by many within Israel but widely accepted everywhere else in the world though perhaps not in Washington, is that Israel continues to occupy the Gaza Strip. Tel Aviv carried out a unilateral disengagement in the late summer of 2005, removing some 8,000 Israeli settlers and the Israeli Army which was protecting them. Another truth is that Israel seeks the elimination of Hamas and — why not? — its nearly 1.5 million Gazan supporters. And if the task can be accomplished by economic strangulation, no problem.
One form of help to the Palestinians comes from donations such as those pledged at last month’s donor conference in Paris. But countries and organizations often fail to keep their promises or reduce their initial pledges. And whatever money is promised takes a long time in coming thanks to bureaucratic red tape.
The EU, though the biggest Palestinian donor, is nevertheless guilty of helping stifle the Gazan economy. At the moment it is still providing support for essential services through the Temporary International Mechanism (TIM). The TIM, set up in June 2006, channels direct financial assistance to needy families and helps hospitals and schools cover their running costs. But it was set up to stop money going to Hamas after it won Palestinian elections at the beginning of 2007. No money to Hamas means no money for Gaza or its residents.
As Israel’s siege of Gaza bites deeper, ever more Palestinians languish in sickness and poverty. What to do about Gaza’s plight is not written anywhere in the road map. Nothing about it was said at the Annapolis meeting nor has it found a place on the agenda of President Bush’s trip to the region. Very little help for, and very little acknowledgment of, a very big problem.
