Hunger in Gaza, Sudan, Yemen at ‘breaking point’ amid sharp funding cuts

Hunger in Gaza, Sudan, Yemen at ‘breaking point’ amid sharp funding cuts
A boy reacts as Palestinians gather to receive food portions from a charity kitchen in the Nuseirat refugee camp, located in the central Gaza Strip, on October 15, 2025, two days after a ceasefire came into effect. (AFP)
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Updated 16 October 2025
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Hunger in Gaza, Sudan, Yemen at ‘breaking point’ amid sharp funding cuts

Hunger in Gaza, Sudan, Yemen at ‘breaking point’ amid sharp funding cuts
  • ‘This is the last lifeline being severed,’ World Food Programme warns as it projects 13.7m people will fall into emergency levels of hunger this year due to funding cuts
  • Organization is ‘looking at two concurrent famines’ for first time in its history ‘and the number of people facing famine-like conditions has doubled in just 2 years’

NEW YORK CITY: The World Food Programme warned on Wednesday that a sharp decrease in funding is pushing food aid operations in crisis-hit countries, including Gaza, Sudan and Yemen, toward collapse, risking famine among millions of people already on the brink of starvation.

In a report titled “A Lifeline at Risk,” WFP officials said unprecedented funding shortfalls are forcing the agency to slash rations, suspend vital food distributions, and cut entire populations off from aid in six of the world’s most fragile places: Gaza, Sudan, South Sudan, Yemen, Somalia and Afghanistan.

“Across these six countries, we’re seeing people completely cut off from assistance,” said Ross Smith, director of emergency preparedness and response.

“These are the most vulnerable, living in the most fragile settings. We are at a breaking point.”

Jean-Martin Bauer, the organization’s director of food security and nutrition analysis, joined Smith in warning that projections suggest 13.7 million people will fall into emergency levels of hunger this year alone as a direct result of funding cuts.

“This isn’t theoretical,” Bauer. “These are mothers and children being turned away from clinics. This is the last lifeline being severed.

“We are looking at two concurrent famines for the first time in WFP’s history, in Gaza and Sudan, and the number of people facing famine-like conditions has doubled in just two years.”

According to the WFP, 1.4 million people in five places — Gaza, Sudan, South Sudan, Mali and Yemen — are facing catastrophic levels of food insecurity ranked by the Integrated Food Security Phase Classification system as Phase 5; this denotes the worst possible situation, or famine-like conditions.




Palestinians gather to receive food portions from a charity kitchen in the Nuseirat refugee camp, located in the central Gaza Strip, on October 15, 2025, two days after a ceasefire came into effect. (AFP)

In Gaza, the WFP warned, access restrictions and funding gaps could leave vast swaths of the population without food in the coming weeks.

The situation in Sudan, described by the organization as the world’s largest humanitarian crisis, is equally alarming. Although the WFP provided 4.1 million people with aid in August, it said it has the capacity to reach nearly double that number but lacks the resources to do so.

“Unless urgent funding is secured, we will have to reduce our footprint in Sudan and many other places,” Smith said.

Other countries causing great concern include Afghanistan, where the WFP said it can currently assist less than 10 percent of the more than 10 million people facing acute food insecurity. Winter assistance is expected to reach less than 8 percent of those in need.

In South Sudan, record flooding has displaced populations, but funding shortfalls have forced the organization to scale down large-scale food-aid programs to a “famine-prevention” model that targets only the most critical areas.

In Somalia, emergency food assistance has been cut by 75 percent compared with a year ago, with only 350,000 people targeted for help in November.

In Haiti, funding shortfalls have forced the suspension of efforts to provide hot meals for displaced communities, and left the country unprepared for the ongoing hurricane season.

Globally, 319 million people are affected by acute food insecurity, and 44 million are already at emergency levels of hunger. WFP officials said the situation is exacerbated by a dangerous narrative that suggests some crises, such as the situations in Afghanistan or Haiti, are no longer emergencies.

“There’s a real risk that the world turns away, just as needs reach their peak,” Bauer said, warning that the erosion of humanitarian infrastructure and data systems could have long-term consequences.

“The GPS of the humanitarian system — our data and analytics — is now also under threat. Without it, we’re flying blind,” he added.

The WFP expects a 40 percent reduction in its assistance levels this year, with further cuts possible in 2026 unless donors urgently step in to help.

“Famine is not inevitable,” said Bauer. “But without action, it is becoming increasingly likely.”


Kurdish leader Barzani pushes for leverage with Baghdad in Iraq vote

Kurdish leader Barzani pushes for leverage with Baghdad in Iraq vote
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Kurdish leader Barzani pushes for leverage with Baghdad in Iraq vote

Kurdish leader Barzani pushes for leverage with Baghdad in Iraq vote
  • Veteran Kurdish leader still shapes politicsBarzani’s political journey has been shaped by decades of rebellion, betrayal, and uneasy truces with successive Iraqi governments
  • His legacy looms large over the race for seats in the national parliament in Baghdad

BAGHDAD: Masoud Barzani, the Iraqi Kurdish leader who first took up arms against Saddam Hussein as a teenage guerrilla, remains a towering figure in Kurdish politics as Iraq heads into its November 11 election.
Though he no longer holds an official post, Barzani’s Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) is urging a strong Kurdish turnout to safeguard regional interests and strengthen its hand in fraught negotiations with Baghdad.
Barzani’s political journey has been shaped by decades of rebellion, betrayal, and uneasy truces with successive Iraqi governments. Now in his late 70s, he continues to wield influence behind the scenes, often referred to as “President” in Kurdish media and diplomatic circles.
His legacy looms large over the race for seats in the national parliament in Baghdad, a contest that could either reinforce Kurdish autonomy or expose deepening fractures within the Kurdish political landscape.
A strong KDP performance would give Barzani’s camp more leverage in disputes with the central government over oil revenues and budget allocations — issues that have sharply escalated tensions between Irbil and Baghdad in 2025.
A weak showing, however, could embolden rival Kurdish factions and strengthen the central government’s position.

FROM MOUNTAIN FIGHTER TO POLITICAL POWER BROKER
Barzani’s long career has been marked by cunning and patience, qualities that helped the Kurds in northern Iraq to survive brutality under Saddam.
Following the 1991 Gulf war, the Kurds rose up against Saddam’s dictatorship, and Barzani and his peshmerga fighters came down from the mountains and captured several cities.
But the victorious US-led allies balked at the prospect of a Kurdish split from Baghdad and initially gave Saddam’s troops a free hand to put down the uprising.
Facing strategic defeat, the quietly spoken Barzani was forced to do the unthinkable and negotiate with Saddam, who had gassed the Kurds and buried them in mass graves years before.
Barzani was saved by a US and British no-fly zone over the north which allowed him and his Kurdish rival Jalal Talabani to retake the area. The longest period of Kurdish autonomy in modern history followed, but the experience was scarred by war between Barzani and Talabani’s Patriotic Union of Kurdistan.
Barzani invited Iraqi government tanks into the enclave in 1996 to seize the regional capital Irbil, sending not only Talabani but CIA agents and their local employees fleeing.

GAMBLE ON INDEPENDENCE ENDS IN FAILURE
After decades of struggle, and Saddam’s overthrow in a 2003 US-led invasion, critics say Barzani made one of his biggest errors by seeking a referendum on Kurdish independence in 2017.
The Baghdad government rejected it as illegal and sent troops to seize the oil city of Kirkuk, which the Kurds regard as the heart of any future homeland. A bitter Barzani stepped down as president of the regional government.
“I am the same Masoud Barzani, I am a Peshmerga and will continue to help my people in their struggle for independence,” Barzani said in a televised address.
“Nobody stood up with us, other than our mountains.”
Barzani was born in 1946, soon after his legendary father, Mulla Mustafa Barzani, known as the Lion of Kurdistan, founded a party to fight for the rights of Iraqi Kurds.
Masoud Barzani became a guerrilla as a teenager, and over time he would become familiar with an abiding theme in Kurdish history — betrayal by regional and Western powers.
Exiled and dying of cancer in a US hospital in 1976, Mulla Mustafa lamented that he had ever trusted the United States.
A year earlier, Mulla Mustafa had been fighting a guerrilla war against Baghdad backed by Iran’s pro-Western shah, but he was cut adrift when then-US Secretary of State Henry Kissinger brokered a deal that allowed Saddam to crush the Kurds.
During the 1980-88 Iran-Iraq war, Barzani allied the KDP with Tehran once more. As a result, some 8,000 Barzani tribesmen were rounded up and paraded through Baghdad before being executed. In Saddam’s words: “They went to hell.”
In March 1988 Saddam’s warplanes bombed the Kurdish town of Halabja with poison gas killing up to 5,000 people.
Despite the massacres, Barzani retained enough of a fighting force to respond to President George Bush’s appeal for an uprising during the 1991 Gulf War, when a US-led coalition routed Saddam’s army in Kuwait.
After Saddam’s fall, Barzani became a central figure in the drive to create an autonomous Kurdish state in northern Iraq. Kurdish leaders kept their territory relatively free of the sectarian bloodshed that plagued most of Iraq. Western oil executives flocked to the region seeking deals.

STRAINS WITH BAGHDAD OVER OIL RESURFACE
Kurds showed their military capability by joining Iraqi government troops and Iranian-backed paramilitary forces to drive Daesh militants out of Mosul.
Confident that the time was right for an independent homeland, Barzani pursued the disastrous referendum. A day after the vote he recalled the Kurds’ seemingly endless suffering.
“I’ve been fighting for half a century. With my people I have been through mass killings, deportations, gassings. I remember times when we thought we were done for, headed for extermination,” he told the Kurdish Rudaw news agency.
“I remember times, as in 1991 after the first war against Saddam, when the democracies came to our rescue but left the dictatorship in place, thus casting us back into the shadows.”
Barzani’s arch-enemy Saddam was executed in 2007. But tensions persist between the Kurds and Baghdad authorities.
Relations soured once again in February 2022 when Iraq’s federal court deemed an oil and gas law regulating the oil industry in Iraqi Kurdistan unconstitutional and demanded that Kurdish authorities hand over their crude oil supplies.
Barzani criticized the move as a “completely political decision” aimed at opposing the Kurdistan region.
Barzani has kept a hand in politics through his KDP. The party swept the Kurdish vote in a 2021 election after forming an alliance with Shiite cleric Moqtada Al-Sadr.