Jaitley claims there’s no Hindutva terror

What is with the Congress? India’s grand ol’ party appears to be consumed by a death wish as it hurtles and tumbles through its second term like a headless chicken. The Congress-led coalition is inviting upon itself disaster after incredible disaster as it bleeds itself to death through self inflicted wounds. That this government still has two more years to go is almost overwhelming and not just to the disenchanted voters.
Allies like Mamata Banerjee and Karunanidhi cannot wait to leave the sinking ship although no one has the appetite for another election anytime soon. An imminent showdown, nonetheless, is approaching fast. For which the Congress has no one to blame but itself. Who needs opposition when a government gifts the people steepest petrol price hike in history on its third anniversary? Whoever is running this coalition certainly has a sense of humor.
No one appears to be in charge in Delhi. Senior ministers are forever working at cross purposes and poor party spokespersons have a hard time explaining the absurd ways of this government. The UPA II is on a harakiri mission.
While India has never been a stranger to corruption, Prime Minister Manmohan Singh, picked up for the top job for his pristine image, now enjoys the distinction of presiding over the largest number of scams in the shortest period of time. The latest scandal involving the allocation of coal blocs threatens to taint Mr. Clean’s own hands.
Even the economy, the chief achievement of the economist premier, is unraveling fast. Pundits are rushing to write off the great Indian success story. The total rout of the Congress in the recent UP polls points to the shape of things to come.
Sonia Gandhi’s dream of seeing her son replace Singh in 2014 may well remain just that. The Congress chief must be ruing the day she chose the distinctly unambitious Dr. Singh eight years ago to stand in for her and keep the seat warm for the Prince.
Blame it on the presence of a parallel power center or the natural obsequiousness of Congress wallahs but Singh has proved a spectacular disaster, squandering all the goodwill and undoing years of hard work to return Congress to power. Dr. Singh already seems to have given up as he stoically waits, like the old man in T.S. Eliot’s The Wasteland, for the imminent end.
How did the Congress end up here? I wouldn’t care two hoots for the party or why it’s driven by a death wish. What worries me sick is the alternate scenario. For all its flaws and sins, including its repeated betrayal of Muslims, Congress still represents a wide spectrum of Indian society.
What’s most disturbing is the fact that even as the party marches off like a zombie into the sunset, there’s no credible, healthy alternative to replace it. The so-called secular parties are in total disarray and are largely confined to their respective regional base.
That leaves room wide open to dangerous possibilities — like the return of the BJP and ascent of a certain Mr. Narendra Modi. The BJP’s friends in the media have been dreaming and obsessing over Modi’s march to Delhi for years now.
However, his desperate attempts to break free from Gujarat have so far been frustrated by the taint of the 2002 genocide which he presided over for nearly three months, with all state power and machinery at his disposal. Numerous riot cases and monitoring by the Supreme Court have had him bogged down in the state, souring his Delhi dreams.
That problem appears to have been taken care of with the Special Investigation Team recently giving the chief minister exoneration, especially in the Gulbarg massacre of 58 people, including former MP Ehsan Jafri. SIT chief Raghavan’s conclusions however have been challenged by the court-appointed amicus curiae.
There have also been reports of the ex-CBI chief and his family undertaking several foreign trips on Gujarat government’s account. But such minor irritants are unlikely to create any serious trouble now. Besides, when you have the voters and numbers on your side, who gives a damn about a court case or two?
Modi already seems to have scented blood as he moves to take charge of the BJP for the battle 2014, stepping up attacks on the Congress leadership. If his proud pageant at the recent national executive in Mumbai is any indication, the Sangh Parivar has clearly anointed its old apparatchik for the top job in the land. Modi arrived in the film city to a superstar’s reception, having kept the entire BJP leadership waiting all day and sidelining everyone else.
The stage is set for the 2014 elections and Modi is clearly the best and last hope of the Hindutva brotherhood in the eyes of the RSS, the ideological parent of the BJP and associates. The timing couldn’t have been better too. Having milked the Ram temple cow bone dry and its poisonous anti-Muslim rhetoric reaching its saturation point, the Parivar has been in the political wilderness for nearly a decade. The BJP is mired in corruption, infighting and numerous scandals. It doesn’t have an avuncular, unifying figure like Vajpayee with a charismatic image — or mask, as some would suggest — either to rally the party and disenchanted allies.
Modi has stepped forward to fill that leadership vacuum. He’s already proved his saffron credentials within the Parivar with the 2002 pogrom. And he needed to win the larger Hindu middle class. Which the media, most of it owned or controlled by powerful business houses that have been pampered by Modi over the past one decade with unlimited sops, are working 24/7 to paint him as the bright future that the emerging India has been waiting for. It never tires of talking about the Hindutva haven of good governance that is Gujarat, witnessing unparalleled development and economic growth year after year.
So what if a couple of thousand of Muslims were killed and rest of them still live in terror in their refugee camps and ghettoes? That was 11 years ago. How long would you cry over the past? Isn’t it time to move on?
No matter what Muslims think, the Indian establishment seems to have not only accepted Modi, it’s breathlessly waiting for his arrival in New Delhi. This legend about Modi’s Gujarat is being spawned at global level as well with the top marketing gurus working the US media to wash the 2002 taint. It seems nothing stands in the way of Modi’s leap to Delhi now.
Indeed, given the total chaos in the Congress-UPA, it could be a cakewalk for the former RSS propagandist. Sonia Gandhi hasn’t been able to devote her time and attention to the party as in the past because of her health issues. And her 42-year-old son simply refuses to grow up. The PM-in-waiting-forever has so far demonstrated a singular lack of appetite for the big fight ahead. So the Delhi throne is now up for grabs for the man who has the blood of thousands of innocents on his hands.
In a way, if Modi finally beats Rahul to take Delhi in 2014, it would be a kind of poetic justice. The Congress has constantly shied away from confronting the Gujarat chief minister on his appalling crimes and continuing victimization of Muslims despite having a mountain of evidence against him.
Even as the UPA government has tried hard to ignore him for fear of hurting its Hindu vote bank, Modi has fortified himself wiping out all evidence of the 2002, targeting senior officials who testified against him and using the state machinery to perpetuate his power. And today he is out to snatch power from the Congress and he could very well succeed in his attempts. That would serve the Congress right. What would it mean for the country though? I shudder at the very thought.

Aijaz Zaka Syed is a Gulf-based writer.

Talking to large rallies of people with scores of everyday problems, pains and sorrows — to a farmer, a laborer, an unemployed youth with so many dreams — is no easy work. It is all the more difficult if you are a descendant of a ruling family whom everyone looks at with awe. Rahul Gandhi is looked at with such awe — when he talks with people in villages and on streets or lifts a load of mud in a tagari with workers on a work site, or spends a night with them.
If he wants to be them or, as some political observers say, these are pretensions for political gains is a moot question. To be the 'other' for all times, or even some time, used to be a dream for revolutionaries. In neoliberal times, to be an ‘I’ is the dharma. So it adds to the awe as this Gandhi steps down from a pedestal to be the Other. And he keeps talking to people who rally to listen to him. He seldom makes a speech in the classical sense. He simply talks with people and engages them with questions, then pauses, makes them think and suggests answers.
In these times, when designed speeches and rhetoric draw more attention and are considered more important than peoples’ woes, someone who just comes and talks to people about their land, work, food and water is looked at with awe. He speaks a simple language, short sentences, no artificial constructs of speech writers but plain and simple thoughts, which are understood by all people.
See for example a rustic translation of an equally rustic speech: “When a laborer toiling in the field sees an aeroplane go by, he should be able to look up and say that his son will fly the plane one day. We want a Hindustan in which the poorest of the poor can have the biggest dream. If this does not happen I am not interested in politics.” These are simple statements of an emerging politician, ready to distance himself from dirty politics. What the public reads or sees on TV are headlines that seldom capture the tone of what is said and what it means to different people. When such speech touches the right chord people feel a healing touch but do not respond in loud voices or resort to chanting. They remain quiet and silent, listening perhaps to their own nascent voices just invoked. They still may not yet vote for this Gandhi but live the moment with him.
In these times, when what ‘I’ could do is so compelling and persuasive and is being accepted generally, even thinking about the 'other' is becoming difficult. In these moments, this Gandhi says, “Stop asking politicians how and what they are going to do; ask yourself how and what you are going to do.” When a youth addressed him as the future prime minister, he did not smile back. Instead, he asked him if he ever thought of becoming the PM himself. If not, why?
Recognized widely as a future PM, if not soon then in the not so distant a future, this Gandhi makes many such ‘incorrect’ political statements. Another example was “power is poison”. Some observers see this posturing and distancing from power merely as a means to gain more power. If that is the case, these are very different from the usual political tears. Instead of ‘I’, he says ‘you’ could do what I can do. A few months back his statement on poverty was misrepresented merely as a “state of mind”.
Instead what he said was that poverty comprises two elements: Poverty of thought (garibi soch main hai) and poverty in material conditions, the latter manifesting in food, money, education and so on. Referring to the experience of women’s self-help groups he said poverty of thought could be overcome by achieving self-confidence to voice, leading to politics of one’s own and a share in democracy and its institutions. In these neoliberal times when political spaces are sought to be occupied by corporates and the Bretton Woods institutions, a PM of the future talking about people’s politics is bad omen for those who look forward to mere growth, mainly economic growth, as the solution for all ills. Rahul Gandhi seems to shun the politics and politicians of the day.
He has said, “They say that 500 to 1,000 persons should run the country. This is wrong. Our politics is the politics of your dreams.” So here is this Gandhi who wishes to take this politics forward. He has expanded the number of persons who make decisions to select a candidate for elections. He wants to hear more voices from people who he wants to have the biggest dreams. This has annoyed many power brokers within the Congress who were looked after by a coterie. It is difficult to agree with all that the Congress party does, or all that Rahul Gandhi endorses.
However, this Gandhi is a different Congressman. His attempts to listen to gram pradhans on their views about selecting the right candidate for the MLA in their constituencies are more than welcome. This makes one believe that he is looking for more power with the people who are farmers, laborers, women and youth and have dreams to see and share, who would then make a strong society. Decentralism of power, where power emanates from the 'other', requires a multi-vocal configuration, which he is trying to construct.
Democracy gets strengthened when multiplicities are addressed, howsoever complex and hybrid political imaginaries there be. This is in sharp contrast to straightforward implementation of a unified coherent political philosophy. Rahul Gandhi’s agenda is not that ‘I’ would change the world. It is that the 'others' will change the world. He believes in this. He is silently redefining the current political moment. Why do we not want to hear this?

• Courtesy: Governance Now