KARACHI, 4 May — Against the backdrop of protests in many of the western capitals on the May Day on Tuesday, the rally that was aborted in Karachi has acquired major significance in the context of the potential for political protest in Pakistan. The rally was planned by the Alliance for the Restoration of Democracy (ARD), the second in its campaign against the military government of Chief Executive Gen. Pervez Musharraf. But the focus remained not so much on the ability of the opposition’s activists to stage the rally as on the extraordinarily arrangements made by the law enforcement agencies to block any show of defiance. As a consequence, it has been suggested that the ARD has partially succeeded in its resolve and the government is seen to be insecure and vulnerable.
When the ARD, professedly demanding early elections and restoration of democracy, first announced to hold its rally in Lahore on March 23, the entire area was blockaded and there was a massive show of force on the fateful day. A small number of protesters who managed to sneak out were beaten up and taken into custody. The second show was set in Karachi and the authorities obviously took it more seriously, largely because Karachi has been a traditional arena of popular unrest and a successful strike, attended by some violence, had been staged in the city two weeks ago on the issue of water scarcity in the province of Sindh.
Arrests of activists began at least four days before the May Day and raids were conducted to arrest the ARD leaders, belonging mainly to the Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) of Benazir Bhutto and the pro-Nawaz Sharif faction of the Muslim League. Leaders from other cities were not allowed to travel to Karachi and the head of the alliance, veteran politician Nawabzada Nasrullah Khan, was detained in his hometown in the Punjab. But the May Day itself was the high point when major roads were blocked and large areas in Karachi appeared to be under curfew. Buses and trains coming to Karachi were checked and people were indiscriminately stopped from traveling to the city.
Interpreting this encounter has now become the major activity of political analysts and observers. It is generally conceded that the actual strength and popular support of the ARD would not justify this overkill. Also, the arrests have undermined the international image of the government and concerns was expressed in Washington D.C. and other places on the suppression of the people’s right to open political activity. As it proceeded to take stringent methods to curb the protest, the government said that political activities could be conducted only within four walls so that social harmony was not disturbed. In this respect, critics pointed out that politico-religious parties and militant groups had recently been allowed to hold large public meetings in open places.
According to published reports, as many as 15,000 police and paramilitary personnel were put on duty in Karachi on the May Day. In the run-up to the rally, over 3,000 party leaders and activists were arrested, though the ARD sources claimed that this figure was 6,000. According to The Nation, the government did win a famous victory but the greatest loss was to its credibility. In addition, “the overreaction has demonstrated yet again the Musharraf government’s fear of a frontal showdown”. According to the newspaper, some persons would view the episode as a retreat for the government and a moral victory for the ARD, the components of which are established political parties. Other commentators have said that by stalling the ARD rally, the government has hindered the revival of the political process to which it is committed within the scope of the Supreme Court judgment.
It was noted that a day before the rally, Gen. Musharraf lambasted the “failed politicians” and castigated the opposition for exploiting the cause of the working class, as May Day celebrated the labor movement. ARD leaders, however, said that they were upholding their fundamental right to peaceful protest. It is also evident that suppression will generate sympathy for the ARD against a regime that has yet to unfold its road map for the revival of representative rule. Obviously, very little time is left with the government to complete its stated agenda before the cut off date of October 2002.
A blanket ban on legitimate political activity or protest could be detrimental from a national security point of view because it could provide strength to exclusivist sentiments. Already, ethnic and regional forces, particularly in Sindh, are becoming more active and only mainstream political parties can diffuse the kind of polarization that is based on provincial affiliations.
Another concern expressed by well-wishers of the present arrangement is that the overall social and political discontent is growing and this could provide a large support to political opposition. The best option for the government, it is felt, is to revive genuine political activity in the country and ensure that it is peaceful.
