Since Sept. 11, many on the left have accused the Bush administration of manipulating the fear of terrorism for political gain. Democrats denounce Karl Rove for drawing from a slush fund of popular anxiety to bankroll the president’s re-election. Liberals decry the USA Patriot Act, arguing that Attorney General John Ashcroft has exploited widespread feelings of vulnerability to reverse decades of progress in the realm of civil liberties.
But fear in the United States is not a government-run monopoly. It’s a joint venture between the public and private sector. Sometimes employers benefit from this collusion, cashing in on the fear of terrorism to restrain combative unions and dissident employees. Other times the government benefits, for employers can do what public officials cannot: Punish men and women for their political views. Like so much else in the United States, fear has been outsourced, and the price is paid in freedom.
While color-coded alerts have little effect on most people’s lives, fear can have a real impact when leveraged by an employer. In spring 2002, for example, shipping companies on the West Coast braced for a bitter showdown with their dockworkers’ unions at the negotiating table. Hoping to blunt labor’s ultimate weapon — the strike — the shipping companies joined forces with the Gap, Mattel and Home Depot, which rely on imports from East Asia, and met with officials from the Office of Homeland Security and the departments of Commerce, Labor and Transportation.
Sympathetic to their concerns, the Bush administration declared the impending strike a threat to security. Talk of a strike ceased, and the unions eventually capitulated.
While in that instance the government mustered the public’s fears on behalf of private interests, it has also relied upon private fears — in the workplaces of even the most high-minded employers — to pursue its goals. In August, the New York Times reported that the American Civil Liberties Union had signed an agreement promising the government not to employ anyone appearing on official watch lists of suspected supporters of terrorism. Not convicted or even suspected terrorists, but terrorism’s suspected supporters, whose only crime might have been to donate money to humanitarian groups alleged to support terrorism — or to share a name with someone who had.
The ACLU’s collusion with the government reveals the dark side of American freedom. For all the legal constraints the US Constitution puts on the government, we rarely recognize the ironic byproduct of those constraints: The subcontracting of coercion to the private sector. In its search for those who might be conspiring to attack the United States, the government lacked the evidence required by the Bill of Rights to prosecute individuals with suspicious associations and beliefs. So what did the government do? It asked private employers to use their power of hiring and firing — which is not subject to the Bill of Rights — to punish these individuals instead.
It’s not just the war on terrorism that drives coercion into the workplace. Employers pun
At the dawn of American democracy, Alexander Hamilton acknowledged that economic sanctions could be a powerful weapon for suppressing unpopular views. “A power over a man’s subsistence amounts to a power over his will,’’ he wrote in the Federalist Papers.
More than two centuries later, Hamilton’s insight still applies. And all of us suffer: When we aren’t allowed to voice their heterodox beliefs without fear of retribution in the workplace — according to the latest polls, only 22 percent of Alabama’s voters support John Kerry — we are deprived of the information and diverse views that are critical to democratic deliberation.
In the early years of the Cold War, employers regularly used the fear of communism to stifle unions. Company supervisors kept track of the political beliefs of millions of employees (about 40 percent of the work force) and liberal groups swapped political information about their members with the FBI. So routine — and bipartisan — is this collusion between the public and private sector that we can give it a name: Fear, American-Style.
Fear, American-Style is neither part of a nefarious conspiracy nor a diabolical plot, but the result of people pursuing their interests. It’s just business as usual, another day at the office, Adam Smith’s Invisible Hand quietly — and perversely — at work.
— Corey Robin, author of ``Fear: The History of a Political Idea’’ (Oxford University Press), teaches political science at Brooklyn College and the Graduate Center of the City University of New York.
