Asif Zardari, a political prisoner, has been released. It is “so far so good” for Pakistan’s shifty political terrain. For now there are initial signs that Pakistan has begun to move toward the desperately needed political reconciliation; and away from political victimization and political polarization. For the first time in five years President Parvez Musharraf-led establishment has arrived at some understanding with the PPP. Gen. Musharraf himself spoke to the Jeddah-based PML-N leadership. These moves notwithstanding, the establishment’s comprehensive thinking on issues related to genuine transition from military-guided democracy to a civilian-dominated one has yet to unfold. After half a decade Pakistan’s army-led establishment and the mainstream opposition parties have engaged. The political prisoner, the PPP leader Asif Zardari is out after eight years and President Parvez Musharraf called the former Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif to condole with him. So far so good. The question of sustainability and the establishment’s long-term thinking does arise. These steps should signal a broader realization within the establishment that a “go it alone” effort to reform state and society without partnership with mainstream parties is not possible.
Just warding off the threat of combined opposition agitation over the uniform issue cannot alone be the objective of these moves. After all continued establishment-opposition confrontation is damaging for three reasons. First, it prevents the state from creating the administrative, security and judicial context within which good governance, politics, and trade and commerce can be ensured. The international community’s confidence in Pakistan also depends on the enforcement of laws.
In Pakistan, the administrative machinery, the police and the judiciary have long been tools in the hands of those in power and keen to squash political opposition. The president, as head of the state and above the political fray can oversee the establishment of such a state. The prime minister, the Cabinet and the parliamentary bodies will have to ensure the day-to-day functioning of the state institutions. This calls for an end to the hostility between the head of the state and the political opposition.
The second damage is that it perpetuates the civil-military distrust. Gen. Musharraf’s own role in the area of bridging the civil-military divide and ensuring that the army plays its constitutional role leading to a civilian-led democratic system, is also crucial. Given the power realities it would indeed take a military man to play the role of such a bridge-builder. Musharraf, the democratic general with an exploring mind and a strong will appears best suited to be the general of transition and transfer — transition from military-dominated to civilian-dominated democracy and transfer of constitutional authority to the civilians. This requires Musharraf to be above the political fray and to win the confidence of most, if not of all major political parties. Eventually it would take Musharraf, a civilian president, to establish the constitutionally mandated unity of command, which rests in a civilian president. The president as head of the state is constitutionally empowered to oversee the functioning of all state institutions, civil and military. For multiple reasons, the military became the ascendant player within Pakistan’s state apparatus. This anomaly has to change to ensure smooth functioning of the state and genuine evolution of Pakistan’s polity. In essence the unity of command rests in a civilian head of the state. The restoration of that constitutionally mandated unity of command is now required.
The third damaging aspect of political confrontation is that it is always anti-people. While political victimization is almost always prompted by power struggle and engineered political legitimacy, in its impact it is an anti-people policy.
Political victimization will always lead to political polarization.
Polarization breeds bitterness, a reactive intellect, deeply distrustful state-society relations and deflection of political energy from people-based agendas toward political score-settling.
As Pakistan’s own political history testifies, victimization and polarization distort political realities, prevent genuine political evolution, and keep the traditional power base intact.
The opposition too must move ahead wisely, upholding constitutional principles, building bridges with key players on the power scene and showing the required flexibility.
Flexibility is a necessity in this transition phase, which began as military rule on Oct. 12, 1999 moved toward a degree of democracy in October 2002. Ultimately sustained political reconciliation requires that the establishment come to a strategic conclusion that mainstream political parties have to be lead principals in democracy, development and defense.
