DUBAI: With a floundering economy and growing restrictions on personal freedoms, 10 years of Houthi rule has left its mark on Yemen’s ancient capital, Sanaa, where some quietly long for how things once were.
The Houthis, a radical political-military group from Yemen’s northern mountains, have imposed strict rule over the large swath of Yemen under their control, covering two-thirds of the population.
Since the militia took power in Sanaa in 2014, after long-running protests against the government, the country has gone “back 50 years,” sighed Yahya, 39, who, like many, prefers not to share his full name for fear of reprisals.
“Before, we thought about how to buy a car or a house. Now we think about how to feed ourselves,” added Abu Jawad, 45.
Yemen, mired in one of the world’s worst humanitarian crises, remains divided between the Houthis and the government, now based in the port city of Aden.
The Houthis have tightened their control over many aspects of daily life.
Sanaa once had “political parties, active civic organizations, NGOs ... coffee shops where males and females can sit together,” said researcher Maysaa Shuja Al-Deen of the Sanaa Center for Strategic Studies.
Before, we thought about how to buy a car or a house. Now we think about how to feed ourselves.
Abu Jawad, Sanaa resident
“Now the social and political atmosphere has become very closed,” she added.
Men and women are segregated in public, and Houthi slogans like “Death to Israel!” are plastered everywhere, alongside photos of Houthi leaders, Deen said.
Since 2015, Amnesty International has documented numerous cases of activists, journalists, and political opponents who were convicted on “trumped-up” espionage charges.
A wave of arrests in June targeted aid workers, including 13 UN staff who are still detained.
Majed, the director of a Yemeni non-governmental organization, said he fled Sanaa for Aden before taking refuge with friends in Jordan, leaving behind his wife and three children.
“I decided without overthinking. Leaving was a risky choice, but it was the only one,” the 45-year-old said from Amman, where he hopes to find a job.
According to Deen, a Yemeni based outside the country, it is now difficult to go against the ruling authorities or even fail to show support.
“At the very beginning, being silent was an option. Now, it’s not even an option,” she said.
“You have to show that you are loyal to the Houthi ideology.”
The Houthis are adept at using social and traditional media, such as their Al-Masirah TV station, to spread propaganda, and have even revised school textbooks and changed the calendar.
The traditional holiday of Sept. 26, which celebrated the 1962 revolution against the former imam, has been moved to Sept. 21, the day the Houthis took power.
Some Yemenis chafe at the change. “Even if they forbid us from celebrating officially, we will celebrate it in our hearts,” said Abu Ahmed, 53, a Sanaa resident.
However, support for the Houthis’ attacks since November against Israel and ships in the Red Sea, in solidarity with Palestinians during the Israel-Hamas war, seems to be unanimous.
“The Yemenis have always been pro-Palestinian,” said author and Yemen specialist Helen Lackner, highlighting the hundreds of thousands of people who join the Houthis’ weekly demonstrations in Sanaa.
Despite their popularity among ordinary people, the maritime attacks have halted negotiations to end the war.
Rim, 43, who has lived with her family in Saudi Arabia for nine years, has not been able to return to Sanaa to bury her father or attend the weddings of her brothers and sisters.
“I dream of getting my life back,” said the 43-year-old. In the meantime, she is content to talk to her children about her country.
“I don’t want them to forget that they are Yemeni.”
