US-Russian relations until the Sept. 11 atttacks were marked by wide differences over a number of strategic issues. For instance, the US is going ahead with the missiles shield program despite Russian fears and protests. Moreover, the US stated that it will abolish the ABM treaty regardless of the Russian objections.
Meanwhile, for economic reasons, Russia has concluded military deals with a number of countries to furnish them with advanced technology. This provoked the US that views such action as an attempt to upset the balance of power as set forth by Washington.
In fact, Putin went to Washington with few choices, especially after the attacks of Sept. 11. The choices before him was either to remain aloof and risk a confrontation with the US and the West or agree to be part of the international coalition against terrorism. Putin chose the second option and opened the Russian airspace to the US planes bound for Afghanistan and expressed his country’s readiness to participate in the operations against Afghanistan. Furthermore, he supplied the Northern Alliance with arms along with intelligence about the movement of Bin Laden and Al-Qaeda. Russia also persuaded Central Asian countries to open their airspace to US and British planes including the use of former Soviet bases.
Putin tried, by this sharp shift in policy, to project his country as a major player in refashioning the world political map.
This shift is happening despite opposition from elements in Russia’s ruling clique that see only dangers ahead by opening all doors for Washington. The opposition is fierce, especially when it comes to Washington’s presence in Central Asia for no tangible returns. In fact, those opposed to Putin’s overtures to Washington raise many questions, including — how major this shift is, how long it would continue.
Moreover, what would the Russian situation be if Putin didn’t achieve what he is looking for from the US and the West in return for his participation in the coalition? The Russian military top brass fears that allowing the US to use the air space and bases of Central Asia would be interpreted as handing over this region to Washington.
There are also fears by the Russian politicians that Washington may rearrange the situation in Afghanistan without consulting Moscow or giving any consideration to Russia’s interests there. For instance, when Gorbachev supported the German unification he thought that by such an action he would limit the expansion of the NATO to the south. What happened was the very opposite as three nations from former Warsaw Pact joined the NATO and brought the Atlantic alliance close to the boarders of Russia.
To add to Putin’s worries, Russian politicians keep reminding him of the NATO campaign in 1999 against Yugoslavia, a former ally of the Russians. In fact, Moscow persuaded Yugoslavia to surrender to the West but found itself excluded when it came to restructuring Yugoslavia.
Putin is not ignoring such fears or concerns. He is cautious over strategic issues. This was reflected at the summit’s communiqué. But there is no denying that Russian-US relations have taken on a shape different from what existed prior to the Sept. 11 attacks. The question political observers in Russia ask is if things don’t turn out the way Putin wants or hopes, will the Russian president change the course?
