His critics will say they told him so, but the failed attempt by UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon to visit the detained pro-democracy activist Aung San Suu Kyi in Myanmar was not totally fruitless. Myanmar’s military chief Than Shwe apparently did not reject any of Ban’s proposals for reform, including the release of political prisoners, and he allowed Ban to convey in no uncertain terms the international community’s concerns about Myanmar’s progress toward democracy. The idea of involving UN observers in the election next year was raised, and Than Shwe seemed somewhat receptive. Ban said Than Shwe himself expressed a commitment to holding credible elections in 2010 that would take place in a fair, free and transparent manner; he suggested the trip to Myanmar may have planted seeds that will blossom later when Than Shwe no longer believes he is acting under pressure.

It is not easy to meet the reclusive Than Shwe and to do so is worth a headline. Still, Ban’s main mission went begging and he knows it. His lamenting that a meeting with the iconic Nobel Peace Laureate Suu Kyi, the face of Myanmar’s pro-democracy movement, would have been an important symbol of the government’s willingness to embark on the kind of meaningful engagement that would lend credibility to the elections. The lament was reinforced with a stern rebuke for Than Shwe that the general had missed a golden opportunity to show the regime’s commitment to implementing democratic reform and to holding free elections. Ban’s criticisms of Than Shwe, though, are tempered by what is most damaging to the image of the world’s top diplomat and the global body he heads: That his visit to the country gave Myanmar’s authorities the opportunity to appear as if they were showing they were listening to international concerns — without really embarking on any genuine effort to effect change.

Ban was in Myanmar at the invitation of the ruling military for talks that were expected to include the detention of Suu Kyi, as well as the detentions of other political prisoners. However, he went to Myanmar without any guarantees that Suu Kyi and the more than 2,000 political prisoners would be freed. He had hoped he would have some sway with Than Shwe, having convinced him last year to allow humanitarian aid groups to enter Myanmar to help with post-cyclone recovery efforts. Apparently, though, a request to receive aid is one thing; meeting Suu Kyi is quite another.

But Ban did get his message across: That Myanmar’s human rights record was of “grave concern” and its people would suffer if the regime continued to be isolated as a result of its failure to initiate meaningful, inclusive democratic reforms.

In the end, Ban’s visit to Myanmar should not be seen or interpreted as a waste of time. True, he was not able to meet Suu Kyi but that should not necessarily be the yardstick by which to measure success or failure. Suffice it for now that Ban was told by Than Shwe that he will, after the elections, hand over power to civilians. Ban’s prediction — that when he returns to Myanmar, Than Shwe may himself be a civilian — might come true. To see Than Shwe in civilian garb would be a far bigger development than any meeting at this time with Suu Kyi.