Indian government creating a Rohingya kind of crisis in Assam, say analysts

People wait to check their names on the draft list at the National Register of Citizens (NRC) center at a village in Nagaon district, Assam state. Four million people were not included in the draft list which was published Monday. (Reuters)
Updated 01 August 2018

Indian government creating a Rohingya kind of crisis in Assam, say analysts

  • The ruling BJP sees electoral gains in this communal polarization
  • Muslims are no doubt the target of this exercise, say victims

NEW DELHI: Masuma Begum has been in a state of shock since her name failed to appear in the National Register of Citizenship or NRC, a draft that the northeastern state of Assam is preparing to enlist “genuine” Indian citizens.

The 25-year-old Begum, a trainee teacher in Guwahati, Assam’s biggest city, is the only one in her family of six whose name is not mentioned in the new citizenship draft published on July 30.

Ajmal Haque, 51, a resident of Chhaygaon in Kamrup district, and an Indian Army officer who retired after 30 years of service, also finds his name and those of his two children missing from the NRC list. He feels sad. “Despite my serving India for so long, it does not recognize me and my family as Indian citizens,” Haque told Arab News.

There are four million people whose names have not been included in the draft list that was published on Monday.

Out of the 32.9 million population of the border state of Assam, 28.9 million names were included in the final draft of the NRC.

The NRC is the by-product of the Assam Accord of 1985 that ended six-year-old violent agitation to expel illegal immigrants from the state.

The NRC stipulated that all immigrants who have entered Assam on or after March 25, 1971, were to be identified and deported.

However, no progress was made on this front and the matter reached the Supreme Court of India in 2015. It ordered that the NRC of 1951 should be updated so as to identify genuine citizens.

In the meanwhile, for the ruling Bhartiya Janta Party (BJP), which has long been demanding the identification of illegal Bangladeshi Muslims in Assam, the NRC came, according to analysts, as a political opportunity to further consolidate its Hindu votes in Assam, where they came to power for the first time after playing the majority card.

“I feel politics has come into play in the preparations of the NRC list. I feel some names are deliberately being left out for political reasons,” said Begum, who said her family was also part of the first NRC in 1951. “Muslims are no doubt the target of this exercise,” she added.

Suspicion on this front become all the more pronounced with the BJP’s attempt to introduce an amendment to the 1955 Citizenship Act, thereby giving Indian citizenship to all non-Muslim immigrants from neighboring countries, except Nepal.

India’s Interior Minister Rajnath Singh said on Tuesday: “Even if someone didn’t find their names in the final NRC, they can go to the foreigners’ tribunals. All individuals will be given a fair chance.”

But Haque questioned the move by the government: “The whole process is faulty and I feel humiliated that despite serving the country for three decades, I have to prove my citizenship and my name does not feature in the NRC list.”

The junior commissioned officer raises doubts about the fairness of the whole process. “I see a clear political agenda in the targeting of the Bengali Muslims of Assam. By targeting the Muslims, the Indian government is creating a Rohingya kind of situation in Assam. You first disenfranchise them and then make them refugees in their own homeland.”

Abdul Haq Azad, an Assam-based researcher, said the Muslims of Assam saw the NRC as a panacea from all sorts of persecution, harassment and discrimination in the name of illegal immigrants, “but the government has made it another tool for persecuting the Muslims through its range of exclusionary provisions.”

“The current situation in Assam reminds one of the conditions of Rohingyas in Myanmar in the 1980s,” said Azad.

Human rights activist Suhas Chakma said: “The very premise of the NRC is faulty. How will you prove someone is an original inhabitant of the land or not?”

In the meanwhile, the NRC second draft has kicked up a political storm in India with the Upper House of Parliament seeing a heated debate between the ruling party and the opposition.

The opposition feels the government should adopt a humanitarian stance on this issue and should not precipitate a crisis in the country.

Political analysts, however, believe that “the BJP sees electoral gains in this communal polarization.”

France’s Macron forced to curb his ambitions for Europe

Updated 19 May 2019

France’s Macron forced to curb his ambitions for Europe

  • His pro-Europe vision has collided with populists and national interests across the continent
  • In his country, his political vision has given rise to France’s raucous yellow vest uprising over his government’s pro-business policies

PARIS: French President Emmanuel Macron sees himself as Europe’s savior and next week’s European Parliament elections as a make-or-break moment for the beleaguered European Union.
But Macron is no longer the fresh-faced force who marched into a surprising presidential victory to the rousing EU anthem two years ago. His pro-Europe vision has collided with populists and national interests across the continent. And at home, his political vision has given rise to France’s raucous yellow vest uprising over his government’s pro-business policies.
Macron wanted the May 23-26 European Parliament elections to be the key moment that he could push his ambitions for a stronger Europe — but instead, nationalists and populists who criticized the 28-nation bloc could achieve unprecedented success.
They argue that EU leaders have failed to manage migration into the continent and remain out of touch with ordinary workers’ concerns.
“We have a crisis of the European Union. This is a matter of fact. Everywhere in Europe, when you look at the past five to six years, in our country but in a lot of countries, all the extremes, extreme-rights, are increasing,” Macron said Thursday, making an unexpected appeal for European unity on the sidelines of a technology trade show.
“On currency, on digital, on climate action, we need more Europe,” he said. “I want the EU to be more protective of our borders regarding migration, terrorism and so on, but I think if you fragment Europe, there is no chance you have a stronger Europe.”
In person, the 41-year-old Macron comes across as strikingly, sincerely European. A political centrist, he’s at ease quoting Greek playwrights, German thinkers or British economists. France’s youngest president grew up with the EU and has been using the shared European euro currency his whole adult life, and sees it as Europe’s only chance to stay in the global economic game.
Macron has already visited 20 of the EU’s 28 countries in his two years in office, and while he acknowledges the EU’s problems, he wants to fix the bloc — not disassemble it.
Macron won the 2017 presidential election over France’s far-right, anti-immigration party leader Marine Le Pen on a pledge to make Europe stronger to face global competition against the Unites States and China. Since then, he’s had to make compromises with other EU leaders — and clashed with some nations where populist parties govern, from Poland to neighboring Italy.
Four months after his election, Macron outlined his vision for Europe in a sweeping speech at Paris’ Sorbonne university, calling for a joint EU budget, shared military forces and harmonized taxes.
But with Brexit looming and nationalism rising, Macron has had to reconsider his ambitions. He called his political tactics with other EU leaders a “productive confrontation.”
“In Europe, what is expected from France is to clearly say what it wants, its goals, its ambitions, and then be able to build a compromise with Germany to move forward” with other European countries, Macron said last week.
Macron stressed that despite her initial reluctance, German Chancellor Angela Merkel agreed last year to create a eurozone budget they hope will boost investment and provide a safety mechanism for the 19 nations using the euro currency.
In March, Macron sought to draw support for a Europe of “freedom, protection and progress” with a written call to voters in 28 countries to reject nationalist parties that “offer nothing.”
And he proposed to define a roadmap for the EU by the end of this year in a discussion with all member nations and a panel of European citizens.
“There will be disagreement, but is it better to have a static Europe or a Europe that advances, sometimes at different paces, and that is open to all?” he asked.
France and Germany are the two heavyweights in Europe, and Macron can also count on cooperation from pro-European governments of Belgium, The Netherlands, Spain, Portugal and others.
He has made a point, however, of not yet visiting Hungary or Poland, two nations led by populist leaders whom Macron accused last year of “lying” to their people about the EU.
France has also been entangled in a serious diplomatic crisis with Italy over migration into Europe. Italy’s anti-migrant Interior Minister Matteo Salvini has repeatedly criticized Macron and is backing his rival Le Pen’s National Rally party in the election this week that aims to fill the European parliament’s 751 seats.
Macron has little chance to repeat Europe-wide what he did in France: rip up the political map by building a powerful centrist movement that weakened the traditional left and right.
The campaign for Macron’s Republic on the Move party is being led by former European Affairs Minister Nathalie Loiseau under a banner called “Renaissance.” The party wants to associate with the pro-market ALDE alliance to create new centrist group at the European Parliament.
But across the continent, the centrists are not expected to come out remotely on top but rank third or even lower behind the parliament’s traditional two biggest groups, the right-wing European People’s Party and the left-wing Socialists and Democrats group.
Even at home, Macron is far from certain of being able to claim victory in the European vote. Polls suggest his party will be among France’s top two vote-getters in the election, which takes place in France on May 26.
But its main rival, the far-right National Rally party, is determined to take revenge on Macron beating Le Pen so decisively in 2017.
Macron’s political opponents across the spectrum are calling on French voters to seize the European vote to reject his government’s policies.
While he won 64% of the presidential vote in 2017, French polls show that Macron’s popularity has been around half that for the past year.
It reached record lows when France’s yellow vest movement broke out last fall, demanding relief from high taxes and stagnant wages for French workers, then slightly rose as extensive violence during yellow vest protests, especially in Paris, dampened support for the movement’s cause.
Still, the yellow vests are not going away. New protests against Macron and his government are planned for the EU election day.