The decision by the Pakistani government to suspend military action and allow Shariah law in Swat Valley cannot have been an easy one to take. The risk is that far from ending the Taleban insurrection, it will make the extremists think that the government of President Asif Ali Zardari is weak and so embolden them, after a short break for regrouping and rearming, to relaunch their insurgency — but with far more ambitious goals. After all, the Taleban’s aim is not limited to control of the Swat Valley or Waziristan where this deal is bound to give heart to the insurgents; their dream is all Pakistan.
Certainly that is the fear, even though the demand for Shariah law in Swat and other parts of the country long predates both the Taleban and Pakistan. The demand goes back almost 200 years. The questions in many minds are: What concession will the insurgents make in return? Will the Taleban lay down their arms? Will they allow girls’ schools to reopen which they so spectacularly forced to close by beheading pupils and teachers alike? Or will they continue to strike against anyone who dares to disagree with their twisted vision of Islam?
That is why the Swat decision is not being well received internationally. Even many Pakistanis are opposed. They want a strong central government; they see the move as appeasement.
That is unfortunate to say the least. Such views are bound to further damage Pakistan’s image abroad at a time when the country’s international standing is at an all-time low. There is no point in pretending otherwise. The response to the Mumbai attacks, the release from house arrest of Dr. A.Q. Khan, the man behind Pakistan’s nuclear bomb, the accusation by Afghanistan that last week’s deadly attacks on government buildings in Kabul were carried out by terrorists from Pakistan and now this have all conspired to damage Pakistan’s credibility.
This is a dangerous slide. The more Pakistan is attacked abroad, the greater the resentment at home and the more the government is undermined. Pakistan needs a strong and respected government, respected at home, respected abroad. Without respect, its ability to bring economic prosperity to Pakistan, let alone to fight the war against terror, is restricted. Limited sympathy can too easily translate into limited financial support, limited contacts and limited business. The notion that President Zardari is governing from a position of weakness needs to be crushed. He says he is deeply worried about the Taleban. He should be believed. The army’s determination to crush the Taleban threat to the Pakistani state should not be doubted.
In these troubled times, with accusations flying that Pakistan is in denial, that it is weak and incapable of facing up to the threat within, it should take heart from the Saudi experience after 9/11 when foreign attitudes, particularly American attitudes, toward Saudi Arabia shifted from benign ignorance to hostility and mistrust. It was unpleasant and at times downright offensive. It took time to shift. But it did shift, in no small part thanks to determined efforts, especially by Saudi diplomats, to get people abroad to rethink their ideas about the Kingdom. At the same time, through National Dialogue at home, Saudis came to question and rethink their views about others. It is an ongoing process. But perhaps National Dialogue is something Pakistan should think about.
