On July 15, in the Taj Mahal town of Agra, a historic handshake took place between Indian Prime Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee and Pakistani President Pervez Musharraf.
But the much-hyped two-day summit with its “Made in America” tag ended with the two sides failing to agree on an acceptable guide for future dialogue. Once again, Kashmir proved the major stumbling block. Apparently, India’s objections to the phrase “settlement of the Kashmir issue” and Pakistan’s objections to the reference to “narcotics and terrorism” in the draft joint declaration seemed to have scuttled the summit. Both sides are now having their own arguments about the outcome of the summit and each one is attempting to justify what many see as two stubborn attitudes.
But more galling for Vajpayee is the fact that Musharraf totally stole the summit spotlight, setting the agenda — Kashmir — as soon as he stepped onto Indian soil. He left Vajpayee looking like a supporting player. If the outcome is any indication, the summit failed, but the verdict is unanimous that Musharraf has won round one in the battle to influence the public and media perception of Kashmir in both countries.
Most analysts also, whether Indian or Pakistani, agreed that the general stole the show with a “candidness rarely seen in South Asian leaders.” Compared to Vajpayee, he seemed a much more open and dynamic personality. The image he projected was more progressive and forward-looking.
As far as the summit is concerned, both leaders have been trying to convince the world of the legitimacy of their stands, their good intentions and their love of peace but only if the other reciprocates. But in reality, each has been out to prove the other wrong on all counts.
From the day Vajpayee sent the invitation to Musharraf, which was indeed a bold step, there were those on both sides who were busy casting shadows upon the intentions, stature and legitimacy of the other. Misgivings and apprehension persisted till the summit was over.
This was the background against which two great leaders of nuclear states sat down to decide the future course of South Asia. And that too at a time when both protagonists themselves were facing political uncertainty. The world, however, was made to understand from excessive media hype that the two would produce a “road map” to peace and prosperity in the region.
On the domestic front after the recent rebuff in the assembly elections, Vajpayee needed to show to the electorates, particularly in Uttar Pradesh, that he had conceded nothing to his neighbor.
At the same time Musharraf was nursing his ambition to be elected president of Pakistan. He was under heavier pressure to prove his credibility and use it at the appropriate time. And no doubt, he proved it beyond all expectations. He did not budge from his country’s stance on Kashmir. He made it clear that Kashmir was the key to any future peace initiative in the subcontinent and so returned home as a virtual hero.
There may have been some “hidden hand,” but it was also Musharraf’s and Vajpayee’s battle for their own survival which contributed in the end to the failure of the summit. The failure to arrive at an acceptable joint declaration also highlights the lack of home work on both sides. The existence of some “invisible forces” which changed the agreed text thrice when it was sent for typing has been rumored.
This indicates that though Vajpayee was at the negotiating table, the script was being written somewhere else. And it is not very difficult to see the faces of a few hawkish elements lurking in the background. These were led by Home Minister L.K. Advani who, with some help from others, pulled down the curtain from behind the scenes.
Advani’s protege who is the information and broadcasting minister, Sushma Swaraj, was not a part of Vajpayee’s delegation but she nonetheless spoke “out of turn” to the media, obviously after a green signal from Advani. Advani is after all the second most powerful person in India — if the summit is any indication, the most powerful. While speaking to reporters, Swaraj did not mention Kashmir as if it were not on the agenda.
Musharraf took strong exception to her statement, which he found reflected the “general Indian tendency to try and discuss everything under the sun but Kashmir.”
All these machinations, statements and counter statements notwithstanding, the Indo-Pak summit had a silver lining. Both countries say that it was not a failure and both have agreed to continue the dialogue. Vajpayee has accepted Musharraf’s invitation to visit Islamabad and walk a few steps further on the “high road to peace.” Vajpayee’s acceptance shows that the two countries have exchanged signals on a possible breakthrough, rising above the legacy of the past, the rhetoric and the legal complications. Both seem to be bound by an agreement, an obligation, and are accepting direction from a power at whose behest they met in Agra.
No doubt at the moment, there is little to show as the result of the Agra summit. Most importantly, it has certainly broken the ice. It ended on a note that gives some hope. This was a first meeting between two men who knew each other only by reputation. The next meeting will be between two men who know each other far better. Perhaps that will bring the good news that eluded the subcontinent this time.
