The recent comments made by Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon on annulling peace accords between the Palestinians and Israel only reinforces the view of many observers that he has laid Oslo to rest. "Oslo no longer exists. Camp David no longer exists, nor does Taba," Sharon told Israel’s Maariv newspaper on Friday. It was Sharon’s way of saying there could be no return in any future peace process with the Palestinians to interim deals that led to the establishment of self-rule in parts of the West Bank and Gaza. He aims only to destroy the foundations for Palestinian independence created under the interim peace deals by extending a military lockdown of the West Bank. The remarks are indicative of a plan to destroy the Palestinian Authority as he seeks to replace the negotiations with dictates that are imposed by his tanks and the war crimes that his troops are carrying out against the Palestinians.
Sharon’s disdain for the peace accords has never been a secret; he has on numerous occasions publicly pronounced them as dead. This latest attack on Oslo is but another cover for Sharon’s unwillingness to countenance a diplomatic settlement. What is new is Sharon’s insistence that he has a plan for a political settlement with the Palestinians. Not surprisingly he has declined to give any specifics beyond his long-standing demands for a change in the Palestinian leadership and a halt to anti-Israeli attacks before any new negotiations. But why wait until the violence subsides? Will it indeed subside, now that the Israeli Supreme Court has ruled in favor of relatives of Palestinian activists being deported, the first use of this tactic during the nearly two-year-old uprising against the Israeli occupation? Will it subside in the wake of the wanton killing of Israeli troops of a dozen Palestinian civilians, including one family of women and children crushed by a bulldozer, followed by a sham inquest conducted not by an independent body but the army itself that concluded the soldiers were acting correctly? Will it subside after another provocative remark made by Sharon on Saturday that Jewish settlements would not be dismantled on the grounds that Palestinians would see that as a sign of weakness?
On the contrary, in the midst of mutual hatred, mistrust and a peace process going nowhere, comes the most opportune time to come up with a plan that would break the stalemate. This is what the 15-member EU has done recently, approving a peace plan stitched together from early scuttled formulas floated by many partners, including the Europeans themselves. The scheme envisages the creation of a Palestinian state in three years time, living side by side with Israel. It comprises three phases: the first lasts until Palestinian elections in early 2003 when Palestinians and Israelis are to reach a security agreement. This entails restructuring Palestinian security services and a gradual Israeli withdrawal from recently occupied Palestinian territories. The second phase is to last until August 2003 at which point a provisional Palestinian state is to be established. Its provisional borders are to be determined by negotiations between Israel, the Palestinians, the "Quartet" and moderate Arab states. In this stage a "reformed" PA would draft a new constitution. In the final phase, the permanent status issues — Jerusalem, borders, settlements and refugees — will be tackled in the hope of establishing a Palestinian state within the 1967 borders in June 2005.
The plan will go to a Quartet meeting in New York in mid-month. If it decides to accept it the Quartet will be responsible for implementation. The plan already has the backing of Yasser Arafat not least because it has a time frame. It also has a monitoring mechanism to ensure that the two sides uphold their obligations. The plan is also appreciated because of one more advantage: It exists, unlike Sharon’s blueprint which nobody, including him, seems to be able to find.
