For 13 years, hardly a day has passed without a Kashmiri being inflicted with bullet wounds, politicians on both sides of the controversial Line of Control indulging in rhetoric about their Kashmir-centric goals, suspected militants triggering violence and of course without the two governments blaming each other for not resolving the so-called Kashmir dispute. Amid this, little importance has been accorded to Kashmiris, whose importance has been marginalized to statistical significance. Against this backdrop, what has really changed for them over the past decade and from the last elections? A closer observation of Kashmiri consciousness reveals changes it has undergone during this period.
Politically, Kashmiris have little faith in "electoral-show" for diplomatic purposes and not for democratic rights. "We live and die at gunpoint. We vote or boycott at gunpoint. Where is democracy?" asked a Kashmiri Muslim. On being questioned about their state government being led by National Conference, most Kashmiris responded, "What has the National Conference given us in the past five years? Besides, regardless of our votes, it is bound to return to power."
Even leaders of the All Party Hurriyat Conference, the umbrella group of separatists, lack popular appeal. Fear of bullets apparently prompts common Kashmiris to respond to their calls for strike. A Kashmiri businessman said, "If I don’t pull down my shutters when they call for a strike, there is the risk of my shop being looted or damaged. I want to do business. But I cannot ignore their calls whether I support them or not." Another Kashmiri said, "Most separatist leaders have adopted this line for their own gains. Within this period, they have become much richer. They have round the clock security, while we Kashmiris remain targets for bullets. Every Kashmiri family has lost at least one member. What have we gained?"
Undeniably in the initial stages, Kashmiri Muslims supported the rise of militancy. Detailed discussions with Kashmiris revealed ground for militancy was not built overnight, but developed over a period of time. Their major grievances included stepmotherly treatment by the Indian government. An educationist expressed concern about Kashmiri heroes not being given adequate importance in Indian textbooks. Highlighting job discrimination that prevailed, a Kashmiri Muslim said, "All the high-level job sectors were dominated by Pandits; Kashmiri Muslims were confined to Class III and Class IV government jobs."
Kashmiri Muslims were also critical of the wrong image painted by media — assuming them all to be supporting Pakistan and favoring militancy. They cited examples of Kashmiris fighting against Pakistan in 1947 and having defeated attempts to infiltrate in the Valley in 1965. Interestingly, religion bears little linkage with either rise of militancy or "hostility" between Kashmiri Muslims and Kashmiri Pandits. The "hostility" that did rise, did not last for too long, when Kashmiri Muslims identified Kashmiri Pandits with "Hindu India" and the latter associated former with "Muslim Pakistan." Both Kashmiri Muslims and Kashmiri Pandits, questioned separately about their identities, gave the same response, "I am a Kashmiri first."
Religion is the only visible difference among numerous values shared by Kashmiris, such as the use of Kashmiri language, the fondness for Urdu and emotional attachment to Kashmiri soil. Had Kashmiri Muslims not felt alienated from the Indian mainstream, faced unemployment and suffered job discrimination, militancy might have never arisen in the state. Even though democratic legitimacy of the 1996 polls remains questionable, one strong factor stands out. They were not disturbed by any largescale violence. Yet since 1996, the Indian government has failed to use this opportunity to win over the Kashmiris.
To this day, Kashmiris remain agonized. Little importance has been given to the fact that a greater number of Muslims have been killed in the Valley in terrorist operations than those belonging to other communities. Among those killed during terrorist-related operations from June 1986 to April 1997 were 765 Kashmiri Pandits and 8,360 Kashmiri Muslims. Since the last elections, there has been no change. "We are faced with threats on three fronts, the Indian forces suspect us of being aligned with pro-Pakistani elements, the separatists target the ones aligned with the government, and the ‘surrendered’ activists operate under the umbrella of Indian forces," said one Kashmiri youth. Kashmiris resent the government’s policy of arming surrendered activists or those with dubious records. They are known to exploit this authority to harass common people for money, material goods and even forced marriages.
While Kashmiri Muslims have lost their faith in separatists, their antipathy toward the Indian government has yet to subside. From the last elections, only guns and government statements on Kashmir have been splashed in the headlines. Even now, during election time, Kashmiri voices have been confined to whether the vote was cast or not, the voter turnout and so forth.
For several Kashmiris, the elections deprive them of their desire for a plebiscite. Asked one, "If elections can be held, why not a plebiscite?" During this period, while more than 85 percent of Kashmiri Muslims remain in the state, at least 500,000 have moved to other parts of India. A majority have been touched by the warm response they have received though a few have voiced complaints of being identified with militants. In the state itself, as insurgency has dealt a severe blow to tourism, an important source of revenue, the Kashmiris have taken to government jobs, teaching and the media. With Pandits having moved out of the state in large numbers, Kashmiri Muslims’ earlier complaints of being discriminated against has subsided to a degree. Now, even Kashmiri Muslim women have joined the fray for jobs as well as political positions. They are beginning to make their presence felt.
Against these developments, it is time to stop sealing fate of Kashmiri Muslims and Pandits in ballot boxes and instead provide greater importance to their socio-economic and political problems. As stated by Kashmiris, caught betwixt the bullet and the ballot, neither has so far spelt a solution to their problems.
