LONDON, 13 July 2004 — Many Arabs are understandably sick of foreign governments, institutes, think-tanks and committees of inquiry pontificating about politics and culture in the Middle East. There’s never been any shortage of advice from outside, much of it biased, prejudiced, and ill-informed.
The London Middle East Institute, situated in the grounds of the world-famous School of Oriental and African Studies, is different. It’s been in existence for barely a year, and it’s already having an effect on political thought in the Gulf region and throughout the Arab world.
But that, says its director, Professor Robert Springborg, is not what it’s about.
“The biggest word in our vocabulary is education. We’re not a think-tank, not an organization that advocates particular positions, not aiming to improve policy. If political policies in particular countries do improve because of our work, that’s all well and good. But our aim is simply to educate general audiences about the Middle East.”
What makes the LMEI different is that this process of education works in two directions. Decision-makers, businessmen, academics and politicians from Middle East countries come to London to take part in LMEI conferences and seminars in order to pass on their perspective to a European audience.
“It’s meant to work both ways. We want to educate diverse audiences – both those in England who are interested in the Middle East, and those in the Middle East who are interested in regional affairs and how they affect Europe,” he says. London, he suggests, is a good venue for such conferences — neutral ground for contributors from many different countries, and with a tradition of open debate and analysis.
“As an institute, we take no political positions on issues,” says Springborg. “We don’t want to shy away from difficult questions, but we exist simply to facilitate discussion.”
Springborg, a tall, bespectacled American academic with a long record of teaching in universities in the United States, Australia, and New Zealand, is well qualified to oversee such an educational role. He lived in Egypt for more than 30 years — his wife was born and brought up there — and reads and speaks Arabic, although he modestly describes his command of the language as ‘just about adequate’.
The policy of open access on which he insists can sometimes lead to controversy: a speaker defending the Turkish government at one recent conference drew angry criticism from Kurdish nationalists in the audience. “We pointed out that they were free to question him and put their point of view – and also that we had several Kurdish organizations that were also within the Institute,” he says. The only limits to debate are those imposed by British law and by the Institute’s own code of practice — no racism, no advocacy of violence or terrorism, openness to free debate.
And the Institute certainly doesn’t avoid difficult subjects. A conference is planned for later this year on the whole complex and sensitive question of relations between GCC nations and the new Iraq.
“We’ll have senior figures from the Gulf countries to analyze and review relations with Iraq, to assess the problems, and suggest ways in which they might be addressed,” says Springborg. The conference will cover political, security, and economic matters, and also go into issues such as the role of individuals moving across national boundaries.
“There is a long tradition of cross-border trade and other activities among Arab states. We want to hear from a Gulf businessman who has been trading in Iraq, for instance,” he suggests.
The Institute’s activities go far beyond such big set-piece conferences, however. There has been a massive growth in interest in the Arab world and the Middle East in Britain over the last few years, as evidenced by the increasing numbers of universities offering courses in Middle East and Islamic studies and Arabic. A regular program of cultural events — two or more a week — regularly attracts scores or even hundreds of visitors.
“We’ve had literally thousands of people in here over the last twelve months, to musical performances, lectures, and poetry readings,” says Springborg. “Many of them would have had no previous contact with or interest in the Middle East.”
The Institute also arranges individual scholarships and student exchanges between Europe and Middle East countries. “We have four students at the moment, funded from the Gulf, who are working on subjects directly related to the Middle East,” Springborg explains. “Our aim now is to raise money to extend this scheme and offer more scholarships, particularly in Gulf, Arabian, and Iranian studies.”
Another program has brought a group of “young leaders” from various Arab countries to London, giving them the opportunity to do academic work that might not be available at home – and also encouraging them to meet and talk to each other.
“It makes sense to introduce people to different cultures. There can sometimes be a lack of discussion and exchange between different countries,” Springborg says. “The students are taken on visits to cultural events, to the House of Commons, and to educational institutions, but there is no attempt to persuade or instruct them on specifically Middle East issues. It’s as much about bringing them together as bringing them to London.”
So where does the money come from? The same Arabs who resent outside interference might be justly suspicious of foreign-funded organisations probing into Arab affairs. Again, Springborg enters a robust ‘Not guilty’ plea.
“We’re a registered charity in the UK, and we get money from donations, membership, and selling our publications. But we also raise it by our own activities — last year, we earned around £300,000 from offering training courses and consultancy services to government bodies, non-governmental organizations, and private companies,” he says.
One of those consultation projects involved a study of the Palestinian Legislative Council — “the best institutional hope of the Palestinian people for democracy and nation-building”, according to the LMEI’s magazine. But the important point is that the Institute is not funded or controlled by the British government.
“We have no direct relationship with government, and we receive no government grants,” says Springborg.
The Institute is riding the wave of interest in Middle East and Arab affairs — but it’s also helping to make that interest better-informed and more considered, and enabling people in the Arab countries themselves to speak out more effectively.
