How Donald Trump is weaponizing the government to settle personal scores and pursue his agenda

WASHINGTON: President Donald Trump, once a casino owner and always a man in search of his next deal, is fond of a poker analogy when sizing up partners and adversaries.
“We have much bigger and better cards than they do,” he said of China last month. Compared with Canada, he said in June, “we have all the cards. We have every single one.” And most famously, he told Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky in their Oval Office confrontation earlier this year: “You don’t have the cards.”
The phrase offers a window into the worldview of Trump, who has spent his second stint in the White House amassing cards to deploy in pursuit of his interests.
Seven months into his second term, he has accumulated presidential power that he has used against universities, media companies, law firms, and individuals he dislikes. A man who ran for president as an angry victim of a weaponized “deep state” is, in some ways, supercharging government power and training it on his opponents.
And the supporters who responded to his complaints about overzealous Democrats aren’t recoiling. They’re egging him on.
“Weaponizing the state to win the culture war has been essential to their agenda,” said David N. Smith, a University of Kansas sociologist who has extensively researched the motivations of Trump voters. “They didn’t like it when the state was mobilized to restrain Trump, but they’re happy to see the state acting to fight the culture war on their behalf.”
How Trump has weaponized the government
Trump began putting the federal government to work for him within hours of taking office in January, and he’s been collecting and using power in novel ways ever since. It’s a high-velocity push to carry out his political agendas and grudges.
This past month, hundreds of federal agents and National Guard troops fanned out across Washington after Trump drew on a never-used law that allows him to take control of law enforcement in the nation’s capital. He’s threatened similar deployments in other cities run by Democrats, including Baltimore, Chicago, New York and New Orleans. He also fired a Federal Reserve governor, pointing to unproven claims of mortgage fraud.
Trump, his aides and allies throughout the executive branch have trained the government, or threatened to, on a dizzying array of targets:
• He threatened to block a stadium plan for the Washington Commanders football team unless it readopted the racial slur it used as a moniker until 2020.
• He revoked security clearances and tried to block access to government facilities for attorneys at law firms he disfavors.
• He revoked billions of dollars in federal research funds and sought to block international students from elite universities. Under pressure, Columbia University agreed to a $220 million settlement, the University of Pennsylvania revoked records set by transgender swimmer Lia Thomas and presidents resigned from the University of Virginia and Northwestern University.
• He has fired or reassigned federal employees targeted for their work, including prosecutors who worked on cases involving him.
• He dropped corruption charges against New York Mayor Eric Adams to gain cooperation in his crackdown on immigrants living in the country illegally.
• He secured multimillion-dollar settlements against media organizations in lawsuits that were widely regarded as weak cases.
• Attorney General Pam Bondi is pursuing a grand jury review of the origins of the Trump-Russia investigation and appointed a special prosecutor to scrutinize New York Attorney General Letitia James and US Sen. Adam Schiff.
That’s not weaponizing government, says White House spokesperson Harrison Fields; it’s wielding power.
“What the nation is witnessing today is the execution of the most consequential administration in American history,” Fields said, “one that is embracing common sense, putting America first, and fulfilling the mandate of the American people.”
Trump has a sixth sense for power
There’s a push and a pull to power. It is both given and taken. And through executive orders, personnel moves, the bully pulpit and sheer brazenness, Trump has claimed powers that none of his modern predecessors came close to claiming.
He has also been handed power by many around him. By a fiercely loyal base that rides with him through thick and thin. By a Congress and Supreme Court that so far have ceded power to the executive branch. By universities, law firms, media organizations and other institutions that have negotiated or settled with him.
The US government is powerful, but it’s not inherently omnipotent. As Trump learned to his frustration in his first term, the president is penned in by the Constitution, laws, court rulings, bureaucracy, traditions and norms. Yet in his second term, Trump has managed to eliminate, steamroll, ignore or otherwise neutralize many of those guardrails.
Leaders can exert their will through fear and intimidation, by determining the topics that are getting discussed and by shaping people’s preferences, Steven Lukes argued in a seminal 1974 book, “Power: A Radical View.” Lukes, a professor emeritus at New York University, said Trump exemplifies all three dimensions of power. Trump’s innovation, Lukes said, is “epistemic liberation” — a willingness to make up facts without evidence.
“This idea that you can just say things that aren’t true, and then it doesn’t matter to your followers and to a lot of other people ... that seems to me a new thing,” at least in liberal democracies, Lukes said. Trump uses memes and jokes more than argument and advocacy to signal his preferences, he said.
Trump ran against government weaponization
Central to Trump’s 2024 campaign was his contention that he was the victim of a ” vicious persecution ” perpetrated by “the Biden administration’s weaponized Department of Injustice.”
Facing four criminal cases in New York, Washington and Florida, Trump said in 2023 that he yearned not to end the government weaponization, but to harness it. “IF YOU GO AFTER ME, I’M COMING AFTER YOU!” Trump wrote on Truth Social on Aug. 4, 2023.
“If I happen to be president and I see somebody who’s doing well and beating me very badly, I say, ‘Go down and indict them,’” he said in a Univision interview on Nov. 9, 2023. And given a chance by a friendly Fox News interviewer to assure Americans that he would use power responsibly, he responded in December that year that he would not be a dictator ” except on day one.”
He largely backed off those threats as the election drew closer, even as he continued to campaign against government weaponization. When he won, he declared an end to it.
“Never again will the immense power of the state be weaponized to persecute political opponents — something I know something about,” Trump said in his second inaugural address.
A month later: “I ended Joe Biden’s weaponization soon as I got in,” Trump said in a Feb. 22 speech at the Conservative Political Action Conference outside Washington. And 10 days after that: “We’ve ended weaponized government, where, as an example, a sitting president is allowed to viciously prosecute his political opponent, like me.”
Two days later, on March 6, Trump signed a sweeping order targeting a prominent law firm that represents Democrats. And on April 9, he issued presidential memoranda directing the Justice Department to investigate two officials from his first administration, Chris Krebs and Miles Taylor.
With that, the weaponization has come full circle. Trump is no longer surrounded by tradition-bound lawyers and government officials, and his instinct to play his hand aggressively faces few restraints.

KALININGRAD: Standing in the center of rainy Kaliningrad, the isolated Russian exclave surrounded by NATO countries, Russian factory worker Alexander felt confident.
Economically hit by being cut-off from its EU neighbors and physically isolated from the rest of Russia, officials and locals are putting on a brave face amid claims they are under siege from neighbors Poland and Lithuania.
The Baltic states surrounding Kaliningrad, all NATO members, have been some of Ukraine’s staunchest backers since Moscow launched its offensive in February 2022.
Poland and Lithuania “want to show off, display their strength, reinforce their borders,” said Alexander, 25, who did not give his surname.
But his city is “certainly not one that surrenders,” he added, taking pride that Russia had far more weapons than its smaller neighbors.
His defiance echoes the Kremlin’s relentless criticism of NATO.
Russian leader Vladimir Putin has for years accused the military alliance of breaking an apparent promise not to expand eastwards.
In June, he said Russians had been “tricked, duped on the subject of NATO’s non-expansion.”
Ukraine and the West reject that narrative as a pretext advanced by Putin to justify the offensive, which has become Europe’s largest conflict since World War II.
In Russia’s neighbors, the intensity of the confrontation is palpable.
Poland and Lithuania, which have a land border with Kaliningrad, have virtually closed their borders for Russians, bar limited exceptions.
In recent weeks, Estonia and Lithuania have reported Russian jets violating their airspace.
And Poland’s new president Karol Nawrocki said he believed Russia was “ready to hit at other countries” after NATO scrambled jets to shoot down Russian drones flying through Polish airspace.

‘Let them bark’

Kaliningrad — a previously German city called Konigsberg until it became Soviet after WWII — is strategic for Moscow.
It is home to Russia’s Baltic Fleet, as well as Iskander ballistic missiles, the same kind that Moscow regularly fires on Ukraine.
The region’s governor did not respond to an AFP request for an interview.
The Kremlin’s hard-line messages run deep with many.
Marina, a 63 year-old who works in a clothes shop, mocked the region’s EU neighbors, saying they should focus on their own problems.
“Let them bark,” she said. “I am 100 percent protected in Kaliningrad. I am not scared of NATO.”
Showing Russian tourists round the tomb of philosopher Immanuel Kant, guide Anna Dmitrik was relieved that Kaliningrad had not been targeted by the Ukrainian retaliatory drone attacks that have hit many other regions.
“It’s calm here. We are not scared for now,” she said, adding: “I don’t know what will happen next.”
Still, reminders of the war are everywhere.
Banners encouraged men to sign up to fight in Ukraine for Russia’s “victorious army.” Giant Zs — the symbol of Moscow’s forces in Ukraine — decorated buildings.

‘Life was better then’

But behind the defiance, Kaliningrad’s locals struggled with the feeling of being more isolated, and worse off, than before February 2022.
Banned from EU airspace, planes connecting the exclave to the rest of Russia must take a long detour northwards via the Gulf of Finland.
A train linking it to Moscow is physically sealed as it crosses Lithuania, with Russian passengers requiring a visa or transit permit to board.
And Vilnius has closed its border with key Russian ally Belarus for at least a month over the intrusion of balloons carrying thousands of illegal cigarettes into the EU state.
Before “you could go to Poland to shop or just take a walk. Buses and trucks were running,” said mechanic Vitaly Tsypliankov, 48.
“Life was better then,” he added.
“Now everything is closed. Everything is more expensive, absolutely everything has become costlier.”
Inflation has surged across Russia amid the Ukraine offensive, but complicated logistics hit Kaliningrad especially hard.
While Poland’s border is technically open, only Russians with EU residency can enter. Traffic into the country has virtually stopped.
Most petrol stations near the border are empty if not shut down.
The giant Baltia shopping mall, on the road to the airport, is sparsely frequented.
“Kaliningrad’s economic situation is very bad,” said Irina, a saleswoman there.
“Logistics are very complicated to bring in products from (the rest of) Russia,” she said, puffing on a cigarette.
“Everything is more expensive.”

How Donald Trump is weaponizing the government to settle personal scores and pursue his agenda