Has Israel’s left found a new lease of life?

A few months before a crucial election and in a country as saturated with topsy-turvy political events as Israel, any prediction should come with the disclaimer: “Believed to be correct at the time of writing.” Nevertheless, there are signs of a resurgence of the Israeli left in its new incarnation as the Democrats Party. This is something the country desperately needs after years of steady decline.

In recent years, the party has changed its name and leadership more times than the number of seats it won in the Knesset in the last election — four, to be precise. However, the atmosphere has changed since Yair Golan became the party’s leader and successfully united the two main components of this side of the political spectrum: Labor and Meretz. Running separately four years ago proved to be a costly electoral disaster, depriving the opposition bloc of several seats and inadvertently helping to enable the formation of the current appalling coalition government.

Among the signs of the revival of this left-leaning alliance is that it is now forecast to win 10 or 11 seats in the next Knesset, up from the four it currently holds. The party has also experienced a significant resurgence in membership, reaching more than 112,000. About 88 percent of these members participated in the primaries, which, unlike those of most other parties, were conducted through open and democratic elections that selected an impressive and diverse slate of candidates.

Moreover, the Democrats Party has become home to some of the most prominent leaders of the protest movement against the government’s assaults on Israel’s democratic institutions — a movement that brought hundreds of thousands of people onto the streets.

Among the signs of the revival of this left-leaning alliance is that it is now forecast to win 10 or 11 seats in the next Knesset

Yossi Mekelberg

Over the last four years, three of the party’s sitting MKs have distinguished themselves more than most other opposition members in holding the Israeli government to account over its abuses of power and its consistently resisting scrutiny. Naama Lazimi, Gilad Kariv and Efrat Rayten were rewarded by party members with the top positions on the list for the forthcoming election, in recognition of their leadership and persistence in holding a calamitously failing government accountable. Among the first 20 candidates on the list are two Palestinian citizens of Israel, Somaya Bashir and Ali Salalha, a Muslim and a Druze, respectively, both of whom advocate coexistence between Palestinians and Jewish Israelis.

The election campaign is still in its early stages, which gives the Democrats a distinct advantage. Although opinion polls are relatively consistent in predicting that the party will win about 10 or 11 seats, much of the coalition’s attention is likely to focus on other parties led by Gadi Eisenkot and, potentially, Naftali Bennett, both of whom are viewed as more serious contenders for the premiership within their respective political camps.

For the Democrats, the immediate objective is to consolidate the gains they have already made and build on the momentum generated by the primaries in the hope of exceeding current polling projections. They can capitalize on the fact they have already selected a diverse list of candidates and highlight not only their parliamentary record but also the candidates’ achievements before entering politics.

For example, party members elected two moderate, inclusive and peace-oriented rabbis, offering a striking contrast to those associated with the ultra-Orthodox parties or the far right, where religious leadership is often linked to settler messianism and Jewish supremacy.

In the past, Israel’s traditional left was often perceived as elitist, Ashkenazi-dominated and detached from disadvantaged sections of society — those who, in terms of income, social mobility and ethnic background, should have formed its natural support base. This time, however, the party’s candidate list is noticeably more diverse and appears far more attuned to the concerns of these segments of society.

The inclusion of two moderate former generals, including Golan, is consistent with the Israeli left’s historical tradition of leaders possessing extensive security credentials, while also prioritizing the pursuit of peace. However, for now, it continues to emphasize “separation” between the two peoples — an approach that arguably avoids confronting the central political question rather than offering a comprehensive, workable plan. Nevertheless, several members of the party leadership openly support Palestinian self-determination within a negotiated agreement that would also include robust security guarantees for Israel. Some have also been outspoken in condemning settler violence and terrorism.

Their real test will come if they join a coalition led by parties with markedly different approaches to security and the Palestinian issue. The question will be whether they can successfully promote a strategy that moves beyond reliance on military force alone and advances a credible political horizon.

Several members of the party leadership openly support Palestinian self-determination within a negotiated agreement

Yossi Mekelberg

For many voters, particularly younger Israelis and those weary of traditional politics, the inclusion of newcomers, social activists and community leaders is likely to be refreshing and may persuade them to support the Democrats.

The Israeli left, which dominated the Zionist movement before the establishment of the state and governed Israel continuously until 1977, has been in long-term decline ever since. During the past five decades, with only relatively brief interruptions, the right has remained in power and, since 2009, Israel has been governed almost continuously under Benjamin Netanyahu. With the exception of the peace treaty with Egypt, successive right-wing governments have led Israel from one crisis to another, overseeing a gradual erosion of democratic norms and, ultimately, a deterioration in relations with many of the country’s traditional friends and allies.

By contrast, when the center-left has governed in more recent decades, it has generally done so with bold political ideas and policies to match them, including on the Palestinian question. Following the 1992 election, the government pursued the Oslo Accords. Although the process ultimately failed to achieve its intended destination of a two-state peace agreement, it fundamentally reshaped the political discourse around peace for many years.

A distinguished and diverse list of candidates is an important first step in revitalizing the Israeli left. After the near-total collapse of the previous election, the confidence shown by both long-standing and new party members and the introduction of new candidates from a wide range of professional and social backgrounds offer encouraging signs.

The next challenge is to match this renewal with clear and ambitious policies, not only to expose the failures of the current government but also to reconnect with those sections of Israeli society that have historically formed the left’s natural constituency yet have long felt neglected. Too often, these communities have been mobilized by the right without seeing meaningful improvements in their living conditions. If the Democrats can rebuild that relationship while presenting a compelling political vision, the current revival may prove to be more than a temporary resurgence.

• Yossi Mekelberg is a professor of international relations and an associate fellow of the MENA Program at Chatham House. X: @YMekelberg