Editorial: Second Chance

Author: 
4 July 2005
Publication Date: 
Mon, 2005-07-04 03:00

Hamas would do well to accept Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas’ invitation into his Cabinet. It is an offer that both sides — mutually dependent on each other at this pivotal moment more than ever — will significantly benefit from. Should Hamas join Abbas’ Cabinet now, it will be able to help oversee the planned Israeli withdrawal from the Gaza Strip, a demand it has made from the start. Naturally, if Hamas is given a role, it will, by extension, help rule the area after Israel’s pullout that is set to begin in August. This will allow the movement a firm foothold in mainstream politics and the decision-making process. Hamas will ask to play the watchdog as it helps oversee what it has called “social justice” in every field and “in the fight against corruption, oppression and misgovernment.” Abbas’ invitation is also an explicit admission that he cannot ensure a safe Israeli withdrawal without help from Hamas, an admission that can only boost the movement’s standing. Abbas stands to gain just as much, perhaps more, from a Hamas presence in the Cabinet. By incorporating Hamas into his government, Abbas hopes to improve the prospects for a smooth takeover at a time when violence in Gaza has heated up. The Palestinian leader has promised a smooth handover in Gaza and a clampdown on activists who fire on Israeli soldiers and about 8,500 Jewish settlers who will be withdrawing. He has also said he would not allow a land grab after the summer evacuation. On all of the above, Hamas can be instrumental in either making things better or worse. Abbas of course is hoping for the former.

Abbas’ focus on calm and public order is born out of the realization that nothing is going to move in the political process on the side of disengagement if he cannot demonstrate governance in Gaza after it becomes free from occupation. Governance will generate international pressure to extract from Sharon those things that alone will make Gaza governable, at least in the short-term: Palestinian control over the border crossings and access to Israel, the West Bank and the world through the re-opening of the safe passage and Gaza sea and airports. Progress on these issues is crucial to Abbas’ standing among all Palestinians.

Incorporating Hamas will rouse the ire of Israel and the United States who label it a terrorist organization. They will not negotiate with Hamas. But Abbas has no choice. He cannot ignore Hamas’ strong presence in Gaza or the group’s demand to help rule the area after Israel’s pullout. He has consequently chosen to try to co-opt his rivals rather than confront them. Hamas argues with some conviction that the Gaza withdrawal is a direct result of its strategy of armed resistance rather than the PA’s strategy of diplomatic negotiations, and therefore, it cannot be kept out of the pullout and post-pullout phases. Abbas first invited Hamas to join his Cabinet two months ago, but Hamas rejected the offer, which was conditional on an agreement to delay parliamentary elections. Hamas has since swallowed its pride on the issue. A second chance has come its way and this time Hamas should grab it.

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