Sir Sherard Cowper-Coles, British ambassador in Saudi Arabia since 2003, and before that, unusually, ambassador in Israel, has just been appointed ambassador to the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan. At the same time, the British general, David Richards, who has been the NATO commander since September, has handed over to an American — Gen. Dan McNeill.
Behind the scenes there is a sharp difference of opinion between the United Kingdom and the United States over the tactics to be employed in Afghanistan — as in Iraq. The American military claims that the British, and other European troops, have been pulling their punches and not hitting the Taleban and Al-Qaeda hard enough. The British, who have been fighting terrorists and insurgents in many parts of the world for decades, believe that the Americans, like the Israelis, use excessive force — in particular bombing from the air towns and villages. For British soldiers winning hearts and minds is the key to success; the killing of an Afghan civilian turns his extended family and friends against NATO. NATO’s troops are in that country to protect its people.
Linked to this disagreement over the level of force to be used has been the recent history of the flyblown town of Musa Qala in Helmand province. It lies in the poppy heartland, the source of the country’s all too successful opium trade. Last October, after two months of intense fighting — on a far greater scale than in Iraq on a daily basis, according to the British Commander — a truce was agreed with the village elders by the then governor of the province. Both British troops and the Taleban would remain three miles outside the town. But at the beginning of February 300 Taleban fighters recaptured Musa Qala.
At the time of the truce the British hoped it could provide a model for the future security arrangements in other Afghan towns. They also said it was their job to back the local civilian governor. The Americans said, correctly as it turned out, that the town’s elders would be unable to control the Taleban, which should not be given any quarter.
Another area of dispute between the Americans and the British is the massive problem of drug eradication. Britain has had some international responsibility for tackling this matter and has been conspicuously unsuccessful. The Americans want to persuade President Hamid Karzai to begin aerial crop spraying. British troops, only 5,200 in number, fear that such action, without excellent compensation, would simply drive the farmers into the open arms of the Taleban.
Lord (Peter) Carrington, a former British foreign secretary and secretary general of NATO, warned on GMTV in December that the international divisions over Afghanistan: “... may be the death knoll of NATO unless we’re very careful.”
I agree with that.
He went on:
“... when we get a situation in which so many countries in NATO are not prepared to join in ... Really only the Canadians and the Americans and the British and the Dutch are fighting there. I think this is very dangerous for NATO.”
There are three basic problems. First, NATO has sent far too few troops for the size of the vast mountainous country (32,000 and some 5,000 extra troops are on the way). The Soviet Union fought in Afghanistan, with many more, between 1979 and 1989, before it was forced to withdraw.
Second, the Taleban come and go over the border with Pakistan, and have an almost inexhaustible supply of new recruits from the extremist religious training schools there.
Third, the democratically elected government of President Karzai, who personally has charmed the international community, is losing the support of its own people. There is an Afghan criminal mafia whose activities are facilitated by endemic government corruption.
On the plus side NATO’s activities in the country have a considerable measure of international support. Who wants to see the dreaded and medieval Taleban back in control of Kabul? NATO has total control of the air and far better weapons and equipment.
It has good commanders in the field, and has been killing considerable numbers of Taleban fighters and having local victories. The big question for me is which countries will be willing to come to the aid of Afghanistan in the years ahead, for this struggle will last at the very least for a decade. Sir Sherard faces a massive challenge when he arrives in Kabul, and his previous appointment in Riyadh will appear both safe and comfortable in comparison.
