Occupation: The Dirty Word

Author: 
Uri Avnery, [email protected]
Publication Date: 
Thu, 2007-07-05 03:00

There never was a darker Middle East summit meeting. The darkest there can be. The four leaders at Sharm El-Sheikh did not sit together at an intimate round table. Each one sat alone behind a huge table of his own. That ensured a striking separation between them. All four — Hosni Mubarak, King Abdallah of Jordan, Ehud Olmert and Mahmoud Abbas — bore a severe countenance. Throughout the official part of the conference, not a single smile could be seen.

One after the other, the four delivered their monologues. An exercise in shallow hypocrisy, in empty deceit. Olmert’s was a typical Israeli speech: Overbearing, educating the whole world, sermonizing and dripping with morality.

The speech included all the required phrases: Our soul longs for peace, the vision of two states, we do not want to rule over another people, bla-bla-bla. All in standard colonial style.

But in order to “strengthen” Abbas, Olmert addressed him as “President” and not as “Chairman”, which has been the de rigueur title used by all Israeli representatives since the establishment of the Palestinian Authority. And the word that did not appear throughout this long monologue?

“Occupation”.

Occupation? What occupation? The occupation was not on the agenda of this dark summit. Even in their wildest dreams, the Arab participants could not imagine anything more wonderful than “easing the restrictions”. Making life a little bit less difficult for the suffering population. Giving back the Palestinian tax revenues. Moving some of the roadblocks that prevent people from going from one village to the next.

With the air of a sultan throwing coins to the paupers in the street, Olmert announced his intention of releasing some Fatah prisoners. 250 coins, 250 prisoners. That was the “generous gift” that was to make the Palestinians jump for joy, “strengthen” Abbas and awaken to new life the dry bones of his organization.

If Olmert had not been sitting so far away from Abbas, he could just as well have spat in his face.

First at all, the number is ridiculous. There are now about 10,000 Palestinian “security” prisoners in Israeli prisons. Every night, about a dozen more are being taken from their homes. Since there is no more room in the prison facilities, the wardens will be pleased to get rid of some inmates.

Second, fraternization between Fatah and Hamas is well established in prison. The violent struggle in Gaza has not been projected into the prisons. The famous “prisoners’ document”, which laid the foundation for the (now defunct) unity government, was worked out jointly by Fatah and Hamas prisoners.

Olmert’s announcement of his readiness to release only Fatah prisoners is designed to sabotage this unity.

So what did come out of this summit conference? Some say: Zero plus, some say: Zero minus. No wonder that the Arab participants looked so somber.

What was it good for? Abbas was in need of strengthening after losing the Gaza Strip. Olmert promised the Americans to strengthen him. But after the conference, Olmert could have used the phrase customarily uttered by Israeli leaders visiting bereaved families: “I came to strengthen, but it is I who have been strengthened.”

The sole winner was Olmert. The conference has proved that Mubarak and Abdallah’s influence on Israel is nil, and that Abbas’ position is even worse.

To eliminate any doubt about this, Olmert sent the army at once into the kasbah of Nablus, the heart of Abbas’ virtual kingdom, in order to “arrest” the leaders of the military arm of Fatah.

If this is not occupation, what is it?

The disappearance of the occupation as a subject for discussion is the real message of the conference. All the arrangements and ceremonies were designed to create the false impression that Olmert and Abbas were the heads of two states conducting negotiations on the basis of equality.

That is true for all the discourse about the Israeli-Palestinian conflict at this stage: The world has become so used to the occupation that its very existence has ceased to be a subject for discussion.

There are many subjects that are being discussed, but all these discussions are based on the unquestioned assumption that the occupation is there forever.

All the talk about “strengthening” is conducted in this context: Abbas and his people are supposed to function as an administration under occupation. According to Olmert and Bush’s perception, their job is to fulfill the orders of the occupation, in return for their own money and perhaps some small arms. Incidentally, that is very similar to the “autonomy” promised by Menachem Begin to the “Arab inhabitants of Judea, Samaria and the Gaza District”.

Into this reality Tony Blair is now stepping.

He is being sent by the Quartet — something that does not really exist, a diplomatic fiction of four that are one.

Europe does not exist as far as the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is concerned, except as a financial instrument of the White House. When the US president wants it, Europe sends alms to the Palestinians (and arms to Israel). When he wants to starve the Palestinians, Europe imposes a blockade on them.

The UN has long ago become an instrument of the US Department of State, especially in the Middle East. When the American drill sergeant shouts, the UN jumps to attention or stands at ease. As for Russia, it will not interfere, except by mouthing high-sounding phrases.

The Quartet is simply an American front organization. And Tony Blair is sent to Palestine as a special envoy of President Bush. The master sends his poodle.

What for? If Bush really wanted to realize his “Vision” of two states, he wouldn’t need Blair. Blair’s main task is to draw out developments and gain time, to postpone everything, to foster make-belief activity, to provide the Palestinians and the world media with an illusion of progress.

Blair will come, meet, make declarations, ooze charm from every pore, generate headlines, fly, come back, make more announcements, meet again with kings, presidents and prime ministers. A long tail of news-thirsty journalists will follow him everywhere, generate media noise, write, tape and take pictures, as if he were a male Paris Hilton.

Meanwhile Palestinians and Israelis will keep dying, the wall will be finished, more land will be expropriated, settlements will be enlarged, targeted “terrorists” will be killed, the blockade on Gaza will be tightened, and all the hundred and one daily activities of the occupation will go on, the occupation that dares not speak its name.

The declared task of Blair, too, is to “strengthen Abbas”. Woe to the task. Woe to Blair. Woe in particular to Abbas.

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