The reputation of Afghanistan’s President Hamid Karzai does not stand high in the court of international public opinion at present. Whether that is fair is another matter but the fact is that the presidential elections in August were thoroughly tainted — and he is seen as the man who tainted them. As a result, his suave opponent, Abdullah Abdullah, is seen as the victim and has managed to build a considerable degree of credibility at least outside the country. But with a second runoff election set for Nov. 7, he is managing to undermine it fast.
His insistence on the removal of 200 election officials and the head of the election commission, whom he claims to be a Karzai supporter, and the right to have his agents monitor polling stations throughout the country may seem reasonable but scratch the surface and it looks distinctly manipulative. Removing the election commissioner, Azizullah Lodin, is probably the least problematic of his demands. Changing election officials with just a week and a half to go, however, is a spanner in the works.
To replace them in so short a time is almost impossible. Moreover, he wants only to change those who are supposed to have fixed votes in Karzai’s favor. What about those who fixed votes for him? His supporters were not exactly paragons of rectitude; the Election Complaints Commission which disbarred a third of Karzai’s votes also disbarred over 200,000 of his.
Of greater concern, however, is his demand that where it is unsafe for his agents to venture, polling stations should be closed.
It goes without saying that elections in Afghanistan should be free and fair and that candidates and their agents should be able to go anywhere in the country. But Afghanistan is still intensely tribal. It is wildly unrealistic to expect polling there to be like the well-run affairs seen in the West or countries such as India. Parliamentary and presidential elections are still a new process for Afghans. It is a country where tribal and ethnic loyalties rule the roost. Passions can run high. People support their own. Outsiders from other tribes may not be welcome. Supporters of Abdullah who is seen as a northern Tajik in Pashtun areas even though his father was a Pashtun may well find themselves unwelcome. Conversely, Karzai’s supporters may find themselves unwelcome in the north.
Given that situation, Abdullah’s agents may well fear to go to parts of the country. But if his demands were met, people in such areas — Karzai voters — would be denied the vote. That is hardly democratic.
It is not going to happen. But why the demand? Is it because he fears he will lose the runoff round if it takes place and needs a reason not to take part?
Afghanistan is at a critical point in its history. The last thing it can afford is a disputed electoral battle. Political stalemate will hold up important decisions in Washington and elsewhere about support for Kabul and play straight into the hands of the Taleban. There has to be second round and a clear winner. Both Abdullah and Karzai have a duty to their country to make sure that happens.
