History plays a major role in relations between states, sometimes in the background, on other occasions at the very forefront. It would be almost impossible to find two countries with a closer friendship than Germany and Israel, anchored in common interests but still fraught by history.

It is almost impossible to imagine that the dark clouds of the persecution and genocide of Jews by Nazi Germany in the 1930s and 1940s will ever completely clear from the skies above the relations between Israel and Germany, so no visit by a German chancellor is complete without a trip to Yad Vashem — Israel’s official memorial in western Jerusalem to the victims of the Holocaust.

It is understandable that the wounds of the Holocaust have not fully healed, even for the second and third generations. The collective trauma of such a monumental and painful episode in the history of a nation is bound to have a lasting impact. 

However, postwar modern Germany has been a supportive force in helping Israel to be the strong nation and economy it has become since its inception 70 years ago. Germany has paid close to £90 billion to Israel in reparations for Nazi crimes. One of the expressions of support and friendship between the two countries is their holding of an annual joint Cabinet session. This is what brought Chancellor Merkel on a one-day visit to Israel this month, accompanied by a delegation of high-powered political and business people.

However, such close strategic and economic relations can hardly conceal stark differences over two of Israel’s cardinal foreign policies: Palestine and Iran. Germany opposes the occupation of the West Bank and the expansion of Jewish settlements there, as well as the blockade on Gaza, and is a staunch supporter of the international nuclear agreement with Iran. 

Most of Merkel’s criticism is conveyed in private; however, last year she canceled the annual joint Cabinet talks, in a clear message of her objection to Israel’s settlement building and its general treatment of Palestinians. It followed a tense period between the two countries caused by Germany’s foreign minister at the time, Sigmar Gabriel. 

Merkel’s visit to Israel is part of the slow and painful reconciliation process between Germany and the Jewish people.

Yossi Mekelberg

During his visit to Israel in April 2017, Gabriel had met two Israeli human-rights NGOs, Breaking the Silence and B’Tselem, both of them highly critical of Israel’s human-rights abuses in the West Bank and Gaza. 

This infuriated Benjamin Netanyahu, who in retaliation canceled a meeting with the minister. Gabriel did not budge under pressure, and reminded Netanyahu that opposing the occupation was not only his country’s policy, but a view shared by most of the international community of an Israeli policy that is a violation of international law. 

This was a rare public spat between two senior officials of their countries. A more recent expression of Germany’s support for the Palestinians’ plight was its pledge of €100 million in additional financial aid for UNWRA, following the US cuts to the organization that provides humanitarian assistance and protection to Palestinian refugees.

Merkel’s visit took place without any visible friction. But it is worth mentioning that she is no longer at the height of her political power, and the elections in Bavaria last week were further evidence. In what seems to be her last term in office, she may want to avoid any confrontation with Israel, especially as her new Foreign Minister Heiko Maas is known for his strong pro-Israeli views. 

Furthermore, Merkel has made herself more popular in Israel, and among Jewish communities around the world, by appointing for the first time an anti-Semitism commissioner, who also accompanied her on this visit.

The main emphasis of the visit was on expanding economic relations. Merkel and the delegation who accompanied her advertised their talks with the tagline “Economy, Innovation, Technology — Strengthening and Enlarging our Relationship.” 

It reflects the growing volume of trade between the two countries, which was more than €6 billion last year and is constantly expanding. Germany is not only a large and diverse market, but also provides access to other EU markets. 

Military cooperation is another facet of the relations between the countries; there are joint exercises, regular official meetings between senior officers, and the sale of military hardware including Israel’s advanced submarine fleet.

However, while Israel and Germany highlighted all the positives about their friendship and common interests, their discussions lacked the honesty that one expects between two close friends, including the ability to raise disagreements. 

Neither Iran nor Palestine was mentioned. Here, Merkel missed a unique opportunity to express her deep concerns about the treatment of the Palestinians, as her visit coincided with the deadline set for the residents of the Bedouin village of Khan Al-Ahmar to evacuate their homes or be evicted by force. 

Photos of children from the village holding posters of Merkel asking her to save their village were circulated around the world, but received no response from her, at least not in public.

Merkel’s visit to Israel is part of the slow and painful reconciliation process between Germany and the Jewish people. It is gradually evolving into a pattern of relations between two countries with ever-expanding common interests, although the memory of the Holocaust still plays its part. 

But the time has come when that dark history, while it must never be forgotten, should no longer remain an obstacle to a more honest dialogue between the two peoples, but instead strengthen the friendship between them.

  • Yossi Mekelberg is professor of international relations at Regent’s University London, where he is head of the International Relations and Social Sciences Program. He is also an associate fellow of the MENA Program at Chatham House. He is a regular contributor to the international written and electronic media.