Iraq must choose the Arab path before it is too late

For decades, Iraq has occupied a pivotal position in the Arab world. It is a founding pillar of the regional order, a country whose stability has always been inseparable from the stability of its neighbors. Yet today, Iraq finds itself at a dangerous crossroads — not because of external enemies alone but because armed groups operating from within its borders continue to undermine its sovereignty and threaten the security of neighboring Arab states.

The last thing Iraq needs at this critical moment is a confrontation with its Arab neighbors.

Reports of attacks launched by Iraqi militias against neighboring countries have caused alarm across the region. Whether these groups claim to act independently or under broader ideological banners is ultimately irrelevant. As long as they operate from Iraqi territory, their actions carry consequences for the Iraqi state. Every drone launched and every missile fired chips away at Iraq’s credibility as a sovereign nation capable of controlling its own territory.

From a Jordanian perspective, the situation is particularly troubling.

Jordan has consistently pursued a policy of good neighborliness, dialogue and regional stability. Amman has repeatedly supported Iraq’s reconstruction, economic recovery and reintegration into the Arab fold. It has invested heavily in strengthening bilateral ties, facilitating trade, enhancing energy cooperation and promoting security coordination because a stable Iraq serves Jordan’s national interests as much as Iraq’s own.

But no country can ignore direct threats to its national security.

According to informed regional sources, Jordan has made it clear to Baghdad that it will not hesitate to defend its territory and its citizens against any attack originating from Iraqi soil. Such a position should surprise no one. Protecting national sovereignty is the first responsibility of every government. Deterrence is not an act of escalation; it is a necessity when state security is challenged.

Jordan’s reported message follows similar concerns expressed elsewhere in the Arab world. Saudi Arabia has also conveyed a firm message to the Iraqi government emphasizing the urgent need to rein in armed militias whose activities threaten regional security. These parallel warnings should not be viewed as isolated diplomatic exchanges but as indicators of growing Arab frustration over Baghdad’s inability — or unwillingness — to fully monopolize the use of force within its borders.

The issue extends beyond Jordan or Saudi Arabia. It concerns Iraq’s future regional identity.

Since the defeat of Daesh, Arab governments have worked steadily to welcome Iraq back into the Arab political and economic system. Successive summits, infrastructure initiatives, energy projects and investment agreements reflected a genuine desire to see Iraq regain its historic Arab role. This opportunity remains available — but it is not unlimited.

Every action by armed militias that drags Iraq into regional confrontations increases the political cost of maintaining that support.

The Iraqi government faces a defining test. It must demonstrate that decisions concerning war and peace belong exclusively to the institutions of the state — not to armed factions pursuing agendas that often align more closely with external interests than with Iraq’s national priorities.

This is ultimately a question of sovereignty.

A state cannot simultaneously claim full sovereignty while allowing nonstate actors to determine its foreign policy through military action. Such a contradiction weakens Iraq domestically, isolates it diplomatically, discourages investment and places ordinary Iraqis at risk of paying the price for decisions they neither make nor control.

Equally important is Iraq’s long-term strategic orientation.

Geography, economics, culture and history all point toward Iraq’s natural place within its Arab environment. Constructive relations with Iran are both legitimate and necessary; neighboring countries will always maintain complex relationships. However, strategic partnership should never become strategic dependency. Iraq’s national interests are best served by balanced diplomacy that preserves good relations with all its neighbors, while ensuring that no external actor or affiliated militia dictates its security policy.

The overwhelming majority of Iraqis seek stability, prosperity, functioning institutions and economic opportunity — not perpetual regional confrontation. They deserve a government capable of enforcing the rule of law equally across the country and ensuring that no armed group can jeopardize Iraq’s future.

Jordan has no interest in confrontation with Iraq. Quite the opposite. A secure, prosperous and sovereign Iraq is a strategic asset for the entire Arab world. But friendship between states rests on mutual respect for sovereignty. No country can be expected to tolerate repeated attacks while hoping diplomacy alone will solve the problem.

Baghdad still has time to change course.

The Iraqi government must decisively assert control over all armed actors operating within its territory, reaffirm that the state’s institutions alone determine national security policy, and restore confidence among its Arab neighbors. Failure to do so risks not only military escalation but also the gradual erosion of the political trust that Iraq has spent years rebuilding.

Iraq’s future will not be secured by militias operating beyond state authority. It will be secured by a sovereign government that recognizes where its deepest strategic interests lie: in stability, in regional cooperation and in a strong partnership with its Arab brothers.

• Hani Hazaimeh is a senior editor based in Amman. X: @hanihazaimeh