A call for morality in Chinese politics

Author: 
Lisa Kaaki, [email protected]
Publication Date: 
Tue, 2012-01-17 21:30

The centerpiece of the book is Yan Xuetong’s masterly study of pre-Qin international political philosophy and its implications for the rise of China. Professor of political science and Director of the Institute of International Studies at Tsinghua University in Beijing, Xuetong is considered China’s most influential foreign policy analyst. In 2008, Foreign Policy named him one of the world’s hundred most influential public intellectuals.
Xuetong’s rise to fame highlights the radical political reforms that have changed the face of China. In a revealing interview (included in appendix 2), we learn that at the age of 16, Xuetong was sent to a construction corps in Heilongjian where he built houses and worked on a farm. During nine years, he experienced deep suffering, which marked his generation: “When we pulled the sowing machine, we were not allowed to wear boots. We walked barefoot over the ice. Our legs were covered in cuts. We carried sacks of seed that could weigh up to 80 kilograms. When you at last struggled to the end and lay down, your eyes could only see black and you just could not get up. The construction corps changed me so that I can put up with any form of hardship.”
Living through the experience of the Movement of Going to the Countryside had a profound impact on people’s character and gave them the confidence to overcome all obstacles.
“And this confidence is built precisely on the basis of an estimation of the difficulties faced, on the basis of always preparing for the worst case. Hence, many people who went down to the countryside are realists with regard to life. People who have not experienced hardship are more liable to adopt an optimistic attitude toward international politics,” explains Xuetong.
Xuetong has focused his academic study on the pre-Qin political philosophy which is 2,000 years old (pre-221 BC) but the thoughts it expresses can still be used to understand today’s international affairs. This highlights the remarkable universal appeal of these ancient Chinese political views. Xuetong, however, does not only use pre-Qin thoughts to analyze the present state of international politics but also to predict trends in international politics.
Seen by many as an expert in making predictions on international questions, he admits that he is most proud to have predicted that Pakistan would carry out a nuclear test in response to India’s. He also predicted that the Clinton government would not agree to restring reciprocal state visits between China and the US. In 2005, he went on to foresee the gradual deterioration of Sino-Japanese relations.
"Ancient Chinese Thought, Modern Chinese Power" is a translation of essays by Xuetong and his colleagues on ancient Chinese thinkers who wrote about the art of ruling during a period of constant warfare, between divided states, before China was finally unified by the first emperor of Qin in 221 BC.
Xuetong has specialized in the study of pre-Qin thinkers to understand what they had to say about international relations and eventually to use the research to develop a Chinese school of international relations theory.
In the opening chapter of “Ancient Chinese Thought and Modern Chinese Power,” the author compares the works of seven pre-Qin thinkers and presents some findings relevant to China’s foreign policy. Their thoughts focus on practical political policies such as how to maintain peace and they also contain two messages for China’s international security policy: “First, China should mainly rely on its own military construction to maintain its own peaceful environment… Second, China should press for the establishment of an international security system and norms, and promote the realization of universal world peace,” says Xuetong who also states that if international leadership relies only on the strength of hard power, it is difficult to maintain.
Furthermore, pre-Qin thinkers believe that shifts in international power are related to the employment of worthy people. This implies that the quest for talent is not a phenomenon related to the era of the knowledge economy but rather is the essence of competition among great powers. “If China’s ascent strategy cannot attract more first-class people than the US can, then it will be difficult to realize a national resurgence,” says Xuetong.
It is interesting to note that the author thinks that in their respect for norms, the modern concept of democracy and the ancient Chinese concept of humane authority are similar. However, he believes the strategy for China’s rise in its foreign policy should distinguish itself from that of the US in three areas.
First, China should establish an international order that creates a balance between responsibilities and rights. Second, China should reflect on the principle of reversed double standards, namely, that more developed countries should observe international norms more strictly than less developed ones. China should not impose a single standard like the US. Dictating a single standard can cause conflicts and it will not be effective in reducing friction between states. Third, China should be open to the whole world, and encourage the freedom to travel, live and work anywhere in the world as well as open its doors to international society.
Xuetong introduces us to ancient China, ruled by just and accountable rulers and inspired by human values. He acknowledges, however, that only when the international community recognizes China as a more responsible state than the US, will China be in a position to displace the US and become the world’s leading power.
The future will tell us whether China will be inspired by the pre-Qin thinkers. Politicians are particularly interested to see how China will resolve the burning question of water supply looming in the region. Will Chinese leaders take into account the moral importance of human values when they are faced with the decision to exploit the waters of the Tibetan Plateau at the expense of many countries in the region?
For many anxious leaders, diplomatic alliances are the best way to give all concerned nations their just share of water. There are indeed lessons to learn from ancient Chinese thoughts as the need for China to develop moral authority has never been so pressing.
 

By Yan Xuetong
Edited by Daniel A. Bell and Sun Zhe
Translated by Edmund Ryden
Published by Princeton University Press
Hardcover, 312 Pages

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