It is beyond passé to say that the US is the world’s lone superpower — without rival on the economic, political, and cultural levels. Currently, the US, and the US alone, is the key player in virtually every corner of the globe.
But in no region is US influence more pervasive or controversial than in the Middle East. Within the Arab world, whether or not the US role is a net positive or negative is fiercely debated. Among admirers and detractors alike, American influence cannot be denied. Within the US, it is acknowledged across the political spectrum that whether or not American deeds, words, and policies have been successful, the US faces a serious image problem. This simple fact has been recognized since Sept. 11. However, in the three and a half years since that fateful day, there seems to be no consensus as to how to defuse it.
This week, President Bush nominated Karen Hughes as undersecretary of state for public diplomacy; and simultaneously tapped his Egyptian-born White House office manager, Dina Powell, to another key post. Both nominations signify Bush’s concern over the seriousness of the problem — both Hughes and Powell come with one special credential: They are trusted Bush loyalists on whom he has relied heavily to manage his political fortunes.
Hughes is considered a master political operative who is credited with creating powerful sound bytes. A former television reporter, she kept Bush on message during his 2000 presidential campaign and early days in the White House. This was no small feat, as many at the time questioned Bush’s leadership abilities and policy gravitas. Doubts about Bush’s credentials as a strong leader, it should be noted, were only laid to rest on Sept. 11.
With the exception of work on women’s and education issues in Afghanistan, Hughes does not have a great deal of foreign policy experience. Perhaps this will be a bonus. As Hughes noted in the press conference announcing her appointment, she is eager to listen and learn. But her task is extremely difficult, for ultimately it’s not just the marketing, but the policies themselves, which undermine US popularity in the Arab and Islamic worlds. Without substantive alterations — and these may be underway — there is no reason to believe she and Powell will be any more successful than their predecessors, Margaret Tutwiler and Charlotte Beers — both of whom failed in their mission.
But it is not only the White House that is reviewing what has thus far been an abysmal post-Sept.11 US public policy campaign. Congress, which is expected to play a bigger role in foreign policy decisions during Bush’s second term, appears to be re-examining the Arab world and America’s standing in it. Upon adjourning for the two-week Easter recess, numerous congressional delegations will head to the Middle East. Egypt alone will host at least four congressional delegations, with at least 30 members visiting Cairo. Another large delegation will trek to Qatar for the annual conference on democracy and free trade. These visits underscore that Congress is hungry for accurate information about the regional political climate. No doubt their interest is fueled in part by daily stories in newspapers across the nation describing the “Arab democratic revolution.” Many want to see if in fact there is something in the air, and if so, whether it will lead to positive and comprehensive changes in the coming months and years.
That so many delegations are visiting Egypt is not at all surprising. Egypt, along with Saudi Arabia, has long been a stalwart American ally in an often-hostile region. It is also the largest — excluding Iraq — Arab beneficiary of US military and economic assistance. Bush’s decision to publicly prod the Egyptian government to democratize — even while simultaneously defending Egypt’s aid package, complete a trade agreement, and coordinate on the peace process — has opened a Pandora’s Box. Congress is at a loss as to how it should view Egypt.
It is not Egypt alone which Congress is pondering, but by reviewing this long-standing bilateral relationship, it suggests that all US relationships in the region may need to be re-evaluated. And perhaps rhetorical and substantive changes may be necessary to bolster US positions and protect its interests. What is certain is that in the process of listening and learning, Hughes and Congress are likely to come up with differing conclusions that may cure or aggravate the image problem. The conclusion they are likely to share is that minimal, but costly, quick fixes — such as Al-Hurrah TV and flashy advertisements — are not the answer.
— David Dumke is principal of the Washington-based MidAmr Group.
