The importance of Saudi-Turkish relations lies in their deep-rooted history, which peaked during the Ottoman rule, and holds good till date. Since Saudi Arabia and Turkey are significant players in their neighborhoods, the real test of their relationship lies in the future of a region full of challenges and uncertain ramifications. With different political, social and economic orientations, the two countries hold the potential to contribute to the march of the Islamic world in an age of globalization.
In a major shift, Turkey is in the process of re-engaging the region even as it has one eye on European Union membership. This shift was evident in its outlook toward the Organization of Islamic Conference. After keeping a healthy distance from the OIC since its inception, Turkey sought and took up the post of secretary-general of the forum in 2005. In March, Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan attended an Arab League summit for the first time as a “permanent guest”. On his way back from Khartoum summit, he even made a symbolic visit to the OIC headquarters in Jeddah. Thus, Turkey’s revived interest offers a fresh dynamism to the organization.
At another level, one of the impacts of Turkey’s EU membership bid will be on relations between the Islamic world and Europe. Turkey’s accession will confirm that the integration of Muslim countries with the global order is indeed possible. Further, in any bid to alter the dynamics of the Gulf security architecture by including Europe alongside the United States, Ankara will have the luxury of leveraging with both the Middle East and Europe.
Turkey’s active involvement in the EU mechanisms could also facilitate cooperation on energy security issues. A new $3.5-billion oil pipeline, which will serve as an east-west energy corridor linking Azerbaijan with Turkey and from there to the Western markets was inaugurated last month. After the pipeline becomes operative, eight percent of oil in the world will transit from Turkey, including Israel’s oil imports from Russia, which makes it a key player in the global energy security scenario.
Against this backdrop comes the visit of Custodian of the Two Holy Mosques King Abdullah to Turkey starting tomorrow. The current drift in Saudi-Turkish relations is encouraging given the overlapping and crisis-riddled scenarios that both countries face in their immediate neighborhood — Iraq, Palestinian-Israeli conflict, scourge of terrorism, and Iran’s nuclear program, among others. On paper, both are US allies; but given Washington’s current policies, both are grappling with the process of guarding their individual and regional interests, which are not in line with Washington’s agenda.
Adding to its character of pursuing an independent foreign policy, Turkey has differed from US policies, but without actual confrontation. In not allowing the US-led forces to use its territory to invade Iraq from the north in 2003 and not supporting the occupation forces thereafter, as well as consistently demonstrating that it is willing to work diplomatically toward maintaining territorial integrity and restoring stability in the war-torn county, Turkey has been well tuned to the region’s wavelength. Like Riyadh’s fears about the consequences of Iraq’s disintegration, Ankara too is anxious that if Iraq fragments, Kurdish nationalism may spill over. In its view, the current regional situation is comparable with the turbulent 1914-1923 period when Turkey became a victim of external power play, leading to its dismemberment. Moreover, Ankara is also concerned about the fate of its citizens working for about 850 private Turkish security companies that are offering protection to US bases in Iraq.
One of the key challenges for the two countries is Iran’s nuclear program and the crisis that is steadily gathering in the horizon. Despite American pressure, both have opposed any use of force or “regime change” in Tehran. However, the rise of a nuclear Iran adds fuel to Ankara’s fear of Kurdish power in northern Iraq. And, apart from the Saudi domestic jitters and a possible regional arms race, a nuclear Iran would also alter the Middle Eastern balance of power and create unwarranted risks, which necessitate strategic cooperation.
Turkey’s proximity with Israel and its stand on the rights of the Palestinians are also useful instruments for Saudi Arabia to marshal in any future initiative by the Kingdom to guarantee a just and comprehensive solution to a dispute that has endured just too long for the entire Middle East’s discomfort. Ankara has consistently expressed its displeasure over hawkish Israeli policies in the occupied territories without harming diplomatic ties with the Jewish state and even indicated that it is not averse to considering a mediating role. In February, Turkey became one of the first non-Arab countries to receive a Hamas delegation to woo it into the diplomatic fold after the Palestinian resistance group won a majority in January’s parliamentary elections. In the most recent development, about 25 Turkish members of parliament resigned from a Turkish-Israeli friendship committee in protest against the Israeli aggression on Palestine and Lebanon.
As if the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, post-9/11 slur of Islam, Iraq war and domestic extremism weren’t enough reasons to breed terrorism and wreak havoc on the region and its religion, the ongoing assault on Lebanon is likely to encourage extremism and test the defenses of the entire Middle East in the fight against terror. Turkey and Saudi Arabia have been victims of this menace in the past and are still susceptible to the challenge posed by Al-Qaeda and Kurdish guerrillas, which calls for increased cooperation to construct common fronts against it. Though the news was reported only weeks ago, perhaps, it was this common cause which helped Turkey nab two Saudis on the Interior Ministry’s most-wanted list of suspected Al-Qaeda militants in September 2003 as they crossed into Iraq’s Kurdish region from Turkey.
At the economic level, two-way trade touched $2.6 billion in 2005, including $603 million worth of crude oil, which Ankara imported from Saudi Arabia. The Saudi Development Fund has financed about $300 million worth of projects in Turkey, and Saudi investors seeking a home for their burgeoning revenues are eyeing Turkey. With its roots in political Islam, the current Turkish government has veered its foreign policy Eastward with an eye on economic gains. Among several recent deals in the Gulf, the $6.55 billion purchase of former monopoly Turk Telekom by Saudi Oger Telecom stands out. With economic growth pegged at six percent and 70 million population, Turkey is truly appealing. Privatization of several sectors, including electricity distribution, banks, ports and sugar factories are sure to see an upsurge in investment from Saudi Arabia and the Gulf. During King Abdullah’s visit to Ankara, six bilateral accords are expected to be signed.
There is enough to cheer about at the people-to-people contact too. There are roughly about 100,000 Turks in Saudi Arabia. Further, 200,000 Turks perform pilgrimage and Umrah in the Kingdom every year. With over 37,000 Saudis visiting Turkey last year, Turkey is a natural tourist destination for Gulf nationals, with several of them even buying property in western Turkey. These numbers are bound to increase after Ankara announced last month that visa rules have been eased for GCC nationals, granting them long-term entry visas on arrival at Turkish entry points.
Crucially, there are several positive elements in the Turkish system, which are worth highlighting. Turkey has demonstrated that the perceived contradiction in Islam and democracy could be resolved. Its steady political progress, economic expansion and social development in an increasingly globalized world are an exercise in modernity without ignoring tradition.
There is no doubt that the Muslim world is at a turning point and its emerging problems are transnational in character. As the leader of the Islamic world that houses the holiest shrines, Saudi Arabia, like many other Muslim countries, is grappling with the process of internalizing the virtues of moderation and modernization under the leadership of King Abdullah. With issues such as combating extremism, political reforms, economic diversification and social progress increasingly becoming a part of the kingdom’s public and official discourse, change could contribute to the efforts being made to achieve peace, progress, and prosperity in the entire Islamic world.
(Abdulaziz Sager is the chairman of the Gulf Research Center in Dubai)
