Bayat, a professor of Sociology and Middle Eastern Studies, is an expert on these subjects. He has also conducted extensive studies on social movements, urban space and politics in Iran and the Muslim Middle East.
Born in Iran, Bayat moved to the UK to pursue his higher education. He has taught sociology at the American University in Cairo for 17 years in the course of which he held positions at the University of California at Berkeley and was Fellow of St. Anthony’s College, Oxford University. His expert knowledge on Egypt and Iran shines through the essays compiled in “Life as Politics.”
This critical study focuses on the dynamics of social change among ordinary people in the Middle East. Much of what is written about the region is more often than not, either superficial or laced with clichés. Moreover, the study of the Middle East often ignores the social science perspective. Bayat is part of a handful of scholars who are analyzing Islamic activism within the context of the “social movement theory.” This sociological approach challenges the author to explore new perspectives and formulate an original lexicon like “nonmovements,” “art of presence,” “post-Islamism,” “street politics” and “political street.”
“The failure of Islamism to herald a democratic and inclusive order has given rise to far-reaching nascent movements, what I have called ‘post-Islamism,’ that can reshape the political map of the region if they succeed… (Post-Islamism) wants to marry Islam with individual choice and liberties, with democracy and modernity, to generate what some have called an ‘alternative modernity,’” says Bayat.
The concept of “street politics” is closely tied to the economic situation prevalent in the Middle East. Bayat rightly points out that the streets of Cairo, Tehran or Jakarta are jam-packed with people “compelled by the poverty or dispossession” to work, socialize and spend their day in the public spaces. Streets allow people to come into contact with each other and share their problems and this can turn a small manifestation into a massive demonstration. Revolutions and protest movements originate on the streets. Therefore, authorities are often weary of the potential danger of street politics, which often reflect the feelings and opinions of a nation.
“Nonmovement” is another word coined by the author and it shows how ordinary people’s daily activities can trigger social change with absolutely no external influence or pressure. These changes, bitterly criticized by the elite, can be seen in Cairo where a continuous invasion of peasants from Upper Egypt has changed the social fabric of the Egyptian capital and Istanbul, which has become an el dorado for many poor people from Anatolia, known as “black Turks.” In a similar way, a certain class of Europeans is profoundly disturbed by the foreign immigration of Muslims in particular, which are transforming the social, religious and cultural landscape of their respective countries.
While many believe radical Islam expresses the interests of the poor, Bayat has observed that the urban poor are generally reluctant to support any kind of political movement. The poor cannot afford to be ideological, but they are interested in organizations and associations that can help them and answer their needs. Their political opinion is not linked to political Islam, but in a poor people’s “nonmovement,” which is the main form of activism in the Muslim Middle East. Finally, the notion of “art of presence” refers to the “courage and creativity to assert collective will in spite of all odds, to circumvent constraints, utilizing what is available and discovering new spaces within, which make oneself heard, seen, felt and realized. The art of presence is the fundamental moment in the life of nonmovements in “Life as politics.”
The author’s in-depth knowledge of the Middle East not only brings credibility to this study, but the wealth of sharp observations, rightful comments and descriptive details turn it quite simply into a fascinating read.
One of the chapters begins with a question many of us have on our minds: “How do the Middle-Eastern poor manage to live in the current new-liberal times and what does their life struggle mean to urban politics in the region?”
Bayat rightfully highlights the positive role played by Muslim movements who provided health care, education and financial aid. This is the case of the Rifah Party in Turkey, the Islamic Salvation Front (FIS) in Algeria and how Hezbollah filled the vacuum triggered by the total absence of the state in Lebanon. The growing number of nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) confirms the vital role they play especially in Iraq, Lebanon, Palestine and Sudan. Social Islam and NGOization “despite their flaws, appear to have become the dominant forms of activism that now contribute to improving some aspects of people’s lives in Middle Eastern countries,” writes Bayat.
He also believes that in the Muslim Middle East, the students, intellectuals, and professionals constitute the political class i.e., the educated middle class, targeted by the Islamists and the secular movements. A large number of people belonging to this class lack the financial means to enjoy modern commodities. They try hard to lead a life that matches their education and status. Their knowledge of what is available and their inability to possess it makes them feel extremely frustrated.
“They are likely to be revolutionaries,” says Bayat who concludes: “a new post-Islamist trend has begun to emerge, attempting to accommodate aspects of democratization, pluralism, women’s rights, youth concerns and social development with adherence to religion.”
Bayat, who currently holds the Chair of Society and Culture of the Modern Middle East at Leiden University in The Netherlands, has penned a remarkable study. “Life as Politics” should be a mandatory read for any journalist, scholar or politician who has never been to the Middle East.
