Chehabism and Vision 2030: When the state becomes a project of reform and transformation

History occasionally produces leaders who do more than govern. They seek to redefine the relationship between the state and society and to reshape the trajectory of national development. In the Arab world, two experiences invite careful comparative reflection: the presidency of Fouad Chehab in Lebanon between 1958 and 1964, and the reform agenda led by Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman since the launch of Vision 2030.
Despite the profound historical, political and economic differences between mid-20th-century Lebanon and 21st-century Saudi Arabia, both experiences are united by a common conviction: that a modern state cannot be built through political rhetoric alone. It requires institutional reform, a professional public administration, investment in human capital and balanced development that reaches every region of the country.
When Chehab assumed the presidency in 1958, Lebanon was emerging from a deep political and social crisis that had exposed the stark disparities between Beirut and the country’s peripheral regions. The Lebanese state existed in constitutional form, yet it remained largely absent from the daily lives of many citizens. Vast rural areas suffered from inadequate infrastructure, limited public services and restricted access to education, healthcare and employment opportunities.
Chehab recognized that political stability could not endure without social justice and balanced national development. His vision therefore centered on building a “state of institutions” rather than a system dominated by patronage networks, sectarian leadership and personal loyalties. A cornerstone of this project was the French International Institute for Research and Training, Education and Development mission, led by Father Louis-Joseph Lebret, which provided the scientific foundation for diagnosing Lebanon’s structural challenges. Through an unprecedented nationwide assessment, the mission produced a comprehensive analysis of the country's economic and social conditions, revealing the scale of developmental inequalities between the center and the periphery.
The significance of the mission extended well beyond its findings. Its lasting contribution lay in the methodology it introduced. It represented Lebanon’s first modern attempt to formulate public policy on the basis of empirical evidence and systematic data analysis, an approach that has since become a defining principle of contemporary governance across the world. 
Drawing on the mission’s recommendations, the Chehab era launched a broad program of institutional and administrative reform. These initiatives included the establishment of the Civil Service Board, the Central Inspection Authority and the modern Court of Accounts, together with the early institutional foundations of what would later evolve into the Council for Development and Reconstruction. The government also expanded educational, healthcare and development services across historically underserved regions, reflecting a commitment to strengthening state capacity while promoting more equitable national development.
Chehab’s ambition was to build a state that was both capable and just: a state governed by the rule of law and strong institutions rather than by personal relationships, patronage and sectarian affiliations. For this reason, Chehabism became closely associated with the concept of the developmental state, one that viewed public administration as a catalyst for social and economic transformation.
More than half a century later, Saudi Arabia confronted a different set of challenges, both in scale and in nature. Unlike Lebanon in the late 1950s, the Kingdom possessed well-established state institutions and vast economic resources. Yet it faced the strategic imperative of adapting to a rapidly changing global economy, reducing its long-standing dependence on oil revenues and competing in an increasingly knowledge-driven world shaped by technological innovation, investment and economic diversification.
It was within this context that Vision 2030, under the leadership of the crown prince, emerged as a comprehensive national strategy for restructuring the economy, society and the state. If Chehabism sought to lay the foundations of the modern Lebanese state, Vision 2030 seeks to position Saudi Arabia for the post-oil era by redefining the country’s economic and institutional model.
The economic transformation achieved over recent years has been substantial. The contribution of non-oil sectors to the national economy has expanded steadily, accompanied by major investments in tourism, technology, entertainment, logistics and renewable energy. Foreign direct investment has increased, while reforms aimed at improving the business environment have strengthened the Kingdom’s competitiveness and attractiveness to international investors.
Social transformation has been equally significant. Women’s participation in the labor market has risen markedly, while the cultural, artistic and sports sectors have undergone unprecedented expansion. Government services have become increasingly digitalized and new opportunities have been created for young Saudis through education, entrepreneurship and innovation, reflecting a broader effort to empower human capital as a central driver of national development. 

The Saudi crown prince has emerged as one of the most consequential political leaders in the contemporary Arab world.

Dr. Simon A. Kachar

One of the most consequential dimensions of Saudi Arabia's transformation has been the comprehensive modernization of its legislative and legal framework. These reforms have strengthened legal certainty, enhanced public confidence and established clearer rules governing civil and economic relations.
Landmark legislation — including the Civil Transactions Law, the Personal Status Law, the Law of Evidence and the Penal Law for Discretionary Sanctions — has modernized the legal system by unifying legal references, strengthening the protection of rights and improving the efficiency and predictability of the judiciary.
These legal reforms have been complemented by ambitious housing and real estate policies. The “Sakani” housing program has increased homeownership among Saudi citizens to more than 70 percent, while updated property regulations have modernized real estate governance through clearer rules on shared ownership and regulated property ownership by foreign individuals and investors.
Together, these initiatives reflect a development philosophy that recognizes sustainable growth as dependent not only on ambitious economic projects but also on a stable legal architecture that upholds the rule of law, safeguards rights and creates a predictable environment for long-term investment and development.
Within public administration, Saudi Arabia has embraced a governance model centered on performance measurement, continuous evaluation and digital transformation. Decision-making increasingly relies on data-driven analysis, strategic planning and rigorous performance monitoring. Although implemented in a markedly different historical and institutional context, this approach reflects the same reformist ethos that guided Chehab’s vision: the conviction that effective governance depends on competent institutions, evidence-based policymaking and a state capable of translating long-term national aspirations into measurable outcomes.
The significance of the Saudi experience extends beyond the scale of the reforms that have been launched. It also lies in the nature of the leadership driving this transformation. Political history demonstrates that major reform projects require more than financial resources, strategic plans and institutional capacity. They also demand leadership capable of persuading society of the value of change and mobilizing collective energies around a shared vision of the future.
Within this context, the crown prince has emerged as one of the most consequential political leaders in the contemporary Arab world. In a relatively short period, he has succeeded in linking the national transformation agenda to a clear and forward-looking narrative built upon confidence in national capabilities, ambition and a rejection of complacency. As a result, discussions of the future, global competitiveness, innovation and technology have become integral to public discourse in Saudi Arabia, whereas such concepts had previously remained largely confined to specialized policy and academic circles.
From the perspective of political sociology, charismatic leadership becomes a force for historical change when it is coupled with effective institutions and executable public policies. The German sociologist Max Weber described charismatic authority as the capacity to inspire individuals to move beyond established patterns and embrace new realities. Yet charisma derives its enduring value only when it is translated into sustainable institutions and public policies rather than remaining dependent on the personal appeal of a single leader.
In the Saudi case, the appeal of the crown prince has rested not only on political rhetoric but also on his ability to convert strategic ideas into tangible projects that have a visible impact on citizens’ lives. Initiatives such as Neom, the Red Sea Project, Qiddiya, the expansion of the tourism sector, nationwide digital transformation programs and policies aimed at empowering women and young people have evolved beyond visionary proposals into concrete economic and developmental initiatives. Together, they are reshaping both the Kingdom’s domestic landscape and its regional and global standing.
The crown prince has also introduced a distinct model of political leadership within the region, characterized by decisiveness, clarity of purpose and a strong emphasis on measurable outcomes and performance indicators. This approach has helped generate broad national engagement around the transformation agenda, allowing Vision 2030 to evolve beyond a government strategy into a comprehensive societal project involving state institutions, the private sector and civil society alike.
If Chehab succeeded during the 1960s in embedding the principle that the state should serve as an instrument of social justice and balanced development, the crown prince is advancing the proposition that the state can also function as a platform for innovation, global competitiveness and the creation of opportunities for future generations. In both cases, leadership assumes a transformative role when it is guided by a vision that extends beyond managing the present to shaping the future.
From the standpoint of political sociology, both experiences may be understood as efforts to redefine the social contract between the state and its citizens. Under Chehabism, the state sought to strengthen its legitimacy by expanding public services and development to historically marginalized regions. In Saudi Arabia, legitimacy is increasingly reinforced through improvements in quality of life, expanded economic and social opportunities, and the modernization of public institutions.
From a philosophical perspective, the two experiences also reflect a central principle of modern political thought: the strength of the state should not be measured solely by the extent of its authority but by its capacity to generate and sustain the public good. A modern state is not merely an administrative or security apparatus. It is an institutional framework that enables society to realize its economic, cultural and human potential.
Chehab believed that state-building was a cumulative, long-term endeavor requiring patience, institutional discipline and sustained commitment. Much of the philosophy underlying Saudi Arabia’s current transformation reflects the same logic: investing in institutions, planning for the future and shifting from the management of present-day challenges toward the deliberate construction of tomorrow.
This comparison does not suggest that the two experiences are identical, nor that either has been free from challenges, debate or criticism. Each emerged within its own distinctive historical, political and socioeconomic context. The value of the comparison lies instead in highlighting the transformative potential of reform-oriented leadership when it is accompanied by a coherent vision and institutions capable of translating that vision into lasting public policy.
At a time when many Arab states continue to grapple with governance deficits and institutional fragility, the experiences of Chehab and the crown prince illustrate that meaningful reform begins when the state ceases to function merely as an authority managing recurring crises and instead becomes a national project dedicated to building the future. In both cases, the citizens remained the central focus, development served as the principal instrument and the modern state constituted the ultimate objective.

• Dr. Simon A. Kachar is a university professor and expert in good governance.