
I write this week from Doha, where Qatar hosted the 35th GCC Summit, which was quite successful, whether measured by the high level of representation, the consensus it portrayed, or the firm and clear positions it adopted on major regional issues.
Key to Doha’s success was the consensus reached earlier at the extraordinary summit that was held in Riyadh on Nov. 16. Presided over by Custodian of the Two Holy Mosques King Abdullah, the Riyadh summit settled the intra-GCC differences, which dominated discussions throughout much of the year.
Settling those differences paved the way toward the resumption of GCC integration measures and especially policy cohesion toward regional issues. That cohesion was clearly evident in the Doha Summit’s final communiqué.
Escalating regional developments also speeded up the move toward collective action. On top of GCC concerns were combating terrorism, the Syrian crisis, Israel’s ominous steps in Jerusalem, Yemen’s threatened fragmentation by Houthi violence, in addition to Iran’s growing role in fomenting sectarianism and destabilizing the region.
All of those issues were present at the summit, as well as issues related to GCC integration in the military, internal security, economic and other areas.
I will focus on three issues that have not garnered enough media attention: The Gulf Union, Yemen and Egypt.
First, the Gulf Union was among the top issues at the summit. The joint communiqué referred briefly to “the consultations between member states on the proposal by the Custodian of the Two Holy Mosques … on moving the GCC from the cooperation phase to the union phase.”
In addition to this brief reference to the Gulf Union proposal, the issue was discussed in more depth in the opening and subsequent sessions. The host, Sheikh Tamim bin Hamad Al-Thani, emir of Qatar, told the summit in his opening speech that the Gulf Union, as proposed by King Abdullah, remains as the “noble objective” of the GCC, and he linked the project to recent intra-GCC differences: “Recent experience has taught us against not to be hasty in turning differences over political views and assessments into disputes that involve social and economic areas, or the media. If mechanisms and institutions of support and cooperation are not able to continue during times of differences, it means that we have yet to put down strong foundations of this organization.” He also pointed out, “The time is now for the GCC to clearly define its role in the region, and where it fits in the regional political map, based on its members’ shared strategic position, as well as their full potential and common interests.”
Sheikh Sabah, emir of Kuwait, referred to the “inevitability” of the Gulf Union, which “no doubt represents a goal that citizens of the GCC member states aspire to, and which is consistent with the GCC Charter and in fulfillment of previous resolutions.”
In the final communiqué, the GCC leaders indicated that consultations would continue on forming the Gulf Union, and directed their foreign ministers, together with the head of the special Union Commission, to complete their study of the subject. The consultations have revolved around the detailed conception that the Union Commission had previously presented to the heads of the state about the shape of the union, functions of its institutions, and modalities of their work.
Second: The Summit took a clear and firm position on Yemen, which occupied considerable space in the joint communiqué, reflecting the GCC’s alarm about developments there. It reiterated its support for President Hadi’s efforts toward two objectives: (i) “restoring security, stability, and the government’s control throughout Yemen”; and (ii) “leading the process of peaceful transition of power, through adherence to the GCC Initiative and its Implementation Mechanism, as well as National Dialogue Conference outcomes.”
The GCC then urged “all parties” in Yemen to “commit to resolving their differences through dialogue and consultations, and refrain from the use of violence to achieve political objectives.”
The GCC minced no words when it “condemned acts of violence committed by the Houthi group in Sanaa, Amran, Al-Hodeidah and others; the seizure of military and civilian government institutions; and the plunder and destruction of their contents.” It considered those acts “inconsistent with Yemen’s national will as represented in the National Dialogue Conference outcomes and disruptive of the political transition process.”
It called for “the immediate withdrawal of Houthi militias from all the areas they have occupied; the return of all civilian and military state institutions to government control; and the surrender of all the weapons and equipment they have seized.”
At the same time, the GCC reiterated its condemnation of all attacks committed by Al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP), which is bent on “destabilizing Yemen and threatening regional security”.
Third: GCC position on Egypt. Different parties were counting on GCC failure to reach consensus on Egypt, but the joint communiqué was quite clear in staking a unified position. It declared “support for Egypt and the program of President Abdel Fattah El-Sissi, known as the road map.” It also declared “full support for the government of Egypt and its people.” The GCC stood shoulder-to-shoulder with Egypt to restore its “stability and prosperity” and its “Arab and regional roles.”
In these and other issues the Doha summit succeeded in articulating common positions that will guide the GCC work during the coming weeks and months. With its full unity of purpose restored, the GCC is also invigorated to resume its march toward full integration.







