Most Gulf countries share similar enthusiasm when it comes to extending support to Egypt at all levels. Due to these friendly gestures, Egyptians have regained the much-needed confidence following a dangerous political upheaval that had pushed the country almost on the verge of a collapse.
Gulf states are fully aware of Egypt’s significance to them and to the region and want to become a partner in its success, not a victim of its internal crises.
The region is abuzz with the possibility of the establishment of a Gulf-Egyptian joint force. The idea sounds logical keeping in view the current turmoil in the entire region but it is unrealistic. Gulf countries should not assume that they are superpowers capable of changing the world around them.
It is true that they have massive financial capabilities, if spent appropriately, and they are capable of negatively or positively leading the region as well. However, their fortunes can easily evaporate through their involvement in non-productive political and military projects. Saddam Hussein of Iraq could be cited as the perfect example.
As far as Egypt is concerned, one option for the Gulf states is to generously support it economically. This support should not be restricted to the provision of grants, loans and funds but should include massive development projects in the country so as to give it a massive push in the right direction.
This means the Gulf countries should help Egypt implement projects and help it fight corrupt bureaucracy, which has obstructed the country’s capabilities for decades.
If Egypt succeeds economically, its politics will be more stable and its army more capable. It will thus become a country that can be relied upon to meet the needs of the entire region’s stability. During the past two decades, economic deterioration rendered Egypt weak, which affected its political capabilities so much so that it failed in effectively curbing small foreign powers such as Hamas in Gaza and Omar Al-Bashir’s regime in Sudan. Egypt also became weak domestically to the extent that the Muslim Brotherhood played the game of social support and managed the economy of poor neighborhoods. The Egyptian leadership at this difficult transitional phase can grant Gulf investors, and whoever works with them from international institutions, free space to develop major sectors such as agriculture. Some 30 million Egyptians are engaged with this sector, which represents the country’s soul and it does not get affected by politics or terrorism.
Had the government focused on the proper development of this sector, it would have helped support other productive sectors today. Agriculture is a major industry in big countries and is considered a permanent guarantee in times of war and peace. If it does not yield results, Gulf investors can get involved in specific industrial and services projects that have operational and productive value and longevity, on condition of guarantees from Cairo such as being provided with an atmosphere free from bureaucracy and political greed. This will support Egyptians for the next 100 years, and will raise the rate of employment.
Relations and cooperation with Egypt are extensive but we must think outside the box and alter an approach that failed during the era of Hosni Mubarak. Egyptians do not need supporters and charities but partners. It is best for Gulf countries to participate with Egypt in building giant companies in the private sector. These companies could be established with government support then gradually transferred to the Egyptian private sector. The army is one of the best institutions in Egypt, as it is efficient and disciplined, and it can become a partner in giant developmental projects but via its executive role, not through its political or military role. As for establishing a regional military force, whose pillar would be Egypt and some Gulf countries, this would only work after meeting urgent needs such as improvement of economic, as it will be difficult to financially invest in more than one field simultaneously. Establishment of such a force will also take a long time, and will be obstructed due to details that everyone will realize cannot be resolved.
The alternative to a joint military force would be strengthening military and security cooperation, which already exists but is largely unannounced. Cooperation can be expanded to disturbed countries such as Libya, Syria and Yemen, and can be improved in other areas that are sources of tensions. An example would be altering the Sudanese regime, which continues to be a source of trouble for Egypt and the region.
However, the priority is to invest in Egypt’s economy in a manner that benefits everyone, achieves stability and proves to the region’s peoples that old, moderate political regimes are more capable of serving them than alternative chaotic ones.
