There is an ongoing war in Syria. We know how wars start, but no one can ever tell how they will end. Despite the recent fall of Syria’s largest city Aleppo to the Syrian-Iranian-Russian axis, the war is not over yet as nearly half the country’s territories are not under its control. Despite the regime’s celebrations over Aleppo, no one can predict when the war will end.
The fall of the city, which was a key symbol of the Syrian revolution, does not mean victory for President Bashar Assad. It means Syrian opposition fighters and their allies failed to handle the situation. When the opposition fighters succeeded in linking Aleppo with the city of Hama, it gave a further boost to the seriousness of the uprising.
Aleppo’s citizens have not experienced a quiet night for four years. The regime recaptured the city because it was aware that it could become the headquarters of an opposition government and the birthplace of an alternative state.
Exploiting terrorism to intimidate the whole world, the regime released detainees from extremist groups, claiming that the opposition is nothing but an Al-Qaeda affiliate. Thus armed extremist groups were formed in parallel with the opposition. Daesh, an extension of Al-Qaeda, publicized its heinous executions to intimidate the world.
Other extremist organizations were set up, most notably Al-Nusra Front, which is also an extension of Al-Qaeda but is not affiliated to the Syrian regime. Unfortunately, Al-Nusra Front gained support from regional parties, and its fighters were allowed to cross into Syrian territory and gain media attention. It was certain that the intervention of armed extremist groups would serve the regime and frighten regional and international governments.
Jordan, which provided crossings and residence for such organizations, now has a limited role. Saudi Arabia launched a major campaign to arrest anyone supporting these groups or trying to travel to Syria to join them.
As a result, the Syrian opposition’s allies split into two teams: The first supports the Free Syrian Army (FSA), representing the national opposition; the second supports extremist groups, believing that they are stronger and represent a defense against the regime and its allies.
Syria was deemed a competition arena for regional leadership. Thus the mistakes of Lebanon have been repeated, when regional powers were divided into supporters of Hezbollah and supporters of the Future Movement. The battle strengthened Iran’s position, and enabled Assad and his allies to undermine many moderate leaders and exert hegemony over Lebanon.
Those who supported Al-Nusra Front and other extremist groups have practically supported the Syrian regime and made it easy for Iran, Russia and their militias to exist in Syria under the pretext of fighting terrorists.
The war in Syria has been fought between two main parties: Forces representing the majority of the Syrian people, and the regime including terrorist pockets, which is a serious strategic mistake. The regime’s alliance with Daesh, especially in Raqqa, and its purchasing of oil from the group do not justify resorting to Al-Nusra Front, because the revolution and its legitimacy contradict reliance on extremist groups.
Until 2015, the FSA dominated most Syrian territory, with the Syrian National Coalition (SNC) being its political umbrella that represented diversity, pluralism and all components of Syrian society.
Unfortunately, the FSA has been restricted regionally by allies themselves due to competition. With the emergence of terrorist groups on both sides of the battle, Western countries had a pretext to prevent the opposition from having qualitative weapons. This made it easy for the regime to carry out brutal bombings, genocide and displacement of populations.
These mistakes are not the only ones that led to Aleppo’s fall and the shrinking of liberated areas. The interference of Iran and Russia in the war, and the lenient approach of the US, also resulted in this tragic situation.
However, the status quo in Syria cannot last. Most Syrians still hate the regime, from whom 5 million citizens have fled the country. Moreover, the necessities of regional balance reject Iranian expansion in Iraq, Syria, Lebanon and Yemen.
• Abdulrahman Al-Rashed is a veteran columnist. He is the former general manager of Al Arabiya news channel, and former editor in chief of Asharq Al-Awsat, where this article was originally published.
The fall of the city, which was a key symbol of the Syrian revolution, does not mean victory for President Bashar Assad. It means Syrian opposition fighters and their allies failed to handle the situation. When the opposition fighters succeeded in linking Aleppo with the city of Hama, it gave a further boost to the seriousness of the uprising.
Aleppo’s citizens have not experienced a quiet night for four years. The regime recaptured the city because it was aware that it could become the headquarters of an opposition government and the birthplace of an alternative state.
Exploiting terrorism to intimidate the whole world, the regime released detainees from extremist groups, claiming that the opposition is nothing but an Al-Qaeda affiliate. Thus armed extremist groups were formed in parallel with the opposition. Daesh, an extension of Al-Qaeda, publicized its heinous executions to intimidate the world.
Other extremist organizations were set up, most notably Al-Nusra Front, which is also an extension of Al-Qaeda but is not affiliated to the Syrian regime. Unfortunately, Al-Nusra Front gained support from regional parties, and its fighters were allowed to cross into Syrian territory and gain media attention. It was certain that the intervention of armed extremist groups would serve the regime and frighten regional and international governments.
Jordan, which provided crossings and residence for such organizations, now has a limited role. Saudi Arabia launched a major campaign to arrest anyone supporting these groups or trying to travel to Syria to join them.
As a result, the Syrian opposition’s allies split into two teams: The first supports the Free Syrian Army (FSA), representing the national opposition; the second supports extremist groups, believing that they are stronger and represent a defense against the regime and its allies.
Syria was deemed a competition arena for regional leadership. Thus the mistakes of Lebanon have been repeated, when regional powers were divided into supporters of Hezbollah and supporters of the Future Movement. The battle strengthened Iran’s position, and enabled Assad and his allies to undermine many moderate leaders and exert hegemony over Lebanon.
Those who supported Al-Nusra Front and other extremist groups have practically supported the Syrian regime and made it easy for Iran, Russia and their militias to exist in Syria under the pretext of fighting terrorists.
The war in Syria has been fought between two main parties: Forces representing the majority of the Syrian people, and the regime including terrorist pockets, which is a serious strategic mistake. The regime’s alliance with Daesh, especially in Raqqa, and its purchasing of oil from the group do not justify resorting to Al-Nusra Front, because the revolution and its legitimacy contradict reliance on extremist groups.
Until 2015, the FSA dominated most Syrian territory, with the Syrian National Coalition (SNC) being its political umbrella that represented diversity, pluralism and all components of Syrian society.
Unfortunately, the FSA has been restricted regionally by allies themselves due to competition. With the emergence of terrorist groups on both sides of the battle, Western countries had a pretext to prevent the opposition from having qualitative weapons. This made it easy for the regime to carry out brutal bombings, genocide and displacement of populations.
These mistakes are not the only ones that led to Aleppo’s fall and the shrinking of liberated areas. The interference of Iran and Russia in the war, and the lenient approach of the US, also resulted in this tragic situation.
However, the status quo in Syria cannot last. Most Syrians still hate the regime, from whom 5 million citizens have fled the country. Moreover, the necessities of regional balance reject Iranian expansion in Iraq, Syria, Lebanon and Yemen.
• Abdulrahman Al-Rashed is a veteran columnist. He is the former general manager of Al Arabiya news channel, and former editor in chief of Asharq Al-Awsat, where this article was originally published.
