Even though student unions officially don’t exist in Pakistani colleges and universities, hundreds of student councils and organizations dominate campus politics. Students’ unions in higher educational institutions were a prominent element of campus culture in the first 37 years of Pakistan’s history. Students in educational institutions had played a critical role in mobilizing support for the independence of Pakistan during the colonial period, and they carried on with political activities afterwards. Once the ideal of Pakistan was realized, students became divided along multiple political lines, reflective of ethnic, religious and ideological orientations among the youth. The campuses were a microcosm of bigger national politics, and equally diverse and chaotic, as the national scene happened to be.
Every major party had a student wing of its own, which it used for protests, street demonstrations and public rallies. That showed a weakness of the political parties in failing to develop grassroot support among the people. Fragmented, as they were by the political parties, students lost autonomy, solidarity and the ability to organize collective action in the interests of better education or their own representation.
While the open, competitive party politics received a setback with the first Martial Law of October 1958, the student unions continued to conduct their annual elections, organize social and political events and offered students forums for debate on contemporary issues and competing ideologies. Remarkably, during the Ayub Khan era (1958-69), students’ politics was robust, colorful and driven by high energy. They were allowed to function, as they posed no threat to the stability of the political order of the military regime. But all that changed around 1965 and1966, when the elite consensus Ayub had created to run his presidential system collapsed. The 1965 war, rigged elections, rising economic inequality and many years of political suffocation slowly contributed to unrest among the students. They were the first to react to the 1968 celebrations of the ‘decade of development.’ The students questioned the concentration of wealth, the role of the military in politics, the dictatorship of Ayub, the demanding restoration of democracy, free and fair elections. Burying their political and ideological differences, they marched together to bring down the first military regime. That was the best time of solidarity, unity and demonstration of collective power by the student community.
Administrations of both public and private universities have voiced concerns about outside political interference, violence and losing control over their campuses if unions are allowed.
Rasul Bakhsh Rais
However, harmony among them ended the moment the regime collapsed, giving way to the second Martial Law (1969) in the country. As General Yahya Khan (1969-71) announced fresh elections and restored party politics, students once again took the banners and flags of the political parties of their own choice. When the new elected regime of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto (1971-77) assumed power in the truncated Pakistan after the creation of Bangladesh, the student union became an arena of fiercer competition among ethnic, religious and mainstream political parties. Getting a party-affiliated student group elected to the union became a barometer to measure the popularity of a political party. For that reason, money, guns and political patronage became the norms of influencing student politics.
During the Bhutto period, campuses saw a lot of bloodshed, murders, stabbings and violent beatings of rival groups, often sponsored by the ruling party. That changed the character and culture of student politics from political pluralism to a quest for domination by the most powerful student organization backed by a religious, ethnic religious political party. This was the background when the third military regime of General Ziaul Haq (1977-88) banned the students unions in 1984, 37 years ago.
About 10 democratic and one military government have come and gone but have refused to revive the student unions, fearing violence on campuses and the interference of student leaders with the administration of universities. Paradoxically, elected student unions don’t exist, but students’ organizations and councils have proliferated mostly in public universities throughout the country. The hundreds of private colleges and universities are very strict about allowing political activity on their respective campuses. All the political parties have their student wings on campus, and provide them training, funds and political advice. Even without student unions, violence among rival groups is very common, particularly when a new group emerges to challenge the domination of a powerful organization. Pluralism and democratic norms have remained weak among the student groups, although they always speak loudly about them.
In recent years, demand among some sections of students, most associated with progressive and secular political parties for reviving student unions have increased. Political leaders of many parties have also voiced their support in favor of a revival, but they have yet to forge a national consensus to lift the ban. This doesn’t seem to be happening any time soon. When in power, these parties refused to do anything, but in opposition it is another matter. Administrations of both public and private universities have voiced concerns about outside political interference, violence and losing control over their campuses if unions are allowed.
But these arguments are trite for two reasons. First, student organizations already operate on campuses and have a history of mutual acceptance. And secondly, elected unions would force coalition-building around issues, ideologies, and strengthen an academic culture of openness and free debate.The impasse over the revival of students unions must end now.
- Rasul Bakhsh Rais is Professor of Political Science in the Department of Humanities and Social Sciences, LUMS, Lahore. His latest book is “Islam, Ethnicity and Power Politics: Constructing Pakistan’s National Identity” (Oxford University Press, 2017).
Twitter: @RasulRais







