Is the very concept of South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) gradually loosing relevance as its progress has been held hostage by the longstanding rivalry between India and Pakistan repeatedly?
The general public in South Asia is indeed saddened by SAARC’s failure to push through common policies that hastens economic integration. And yet, instead of focusing on issues of regional cooperation, SAARC has been effectively converted into a talking shop, dominated by overt Indian hegemonism. Many believe New Delhi has been stage-managing this regional forum to further strengthen its core strategic interests in South Asia and its periphery. That precisely is the reason why Indian Premier Narendra Modi sought to shift focus of the 18th SAARC summit from physical connectivity to terrorism by raking up the gory events of 26/11 Mumbai terror attack deliberately though the forum charter bars any discussion on contentious bilateral issues.
Surely, a myopic Modi has helped consolidate the latent apprehension that his government, wedded in expansionist Hindu nationalism, may adopt a seemingly productive “pinch the baby and rock the cradle” strategy vis-à-vis India’s immediate neighborhood. Perhaps, there is valid reason for such anxiety when one finds the Modi administration reaching out to Jamaat-ud-Dawa chief Hafiz Saeed — despite accusing him of masterminding the 26/11 tragedy in Mumbai — for sealing a covert political deal before the local elections in Indian-administered Jammu and Kashmir. Such duplicitous stance is bound to reinvigorate the anti-India sentiment prevailing among a sizeable majority of South Asian populace, which in turn will force the respective governments to reconfigure their geopolitical strategies.
While loss of innocent lives due to extremism cannot be supported under any circumstances, one must also understand that repeatedly playing the victimization card will not only undermine India’s regional standing but also raise some serious doubts about the country’s real intent. If New Delhi is certain about Hafiz Saeed’s culpability in 26/11 Mumbai attack, what prevents the government from approaching the International Court of Justice (ICJ) given the oft-repeated allegation of Pakistan’s non-cooperation? This author understands reliably that India is unlikely to take this suicidal step because the evidences leaked to the media with great alacrity for propaganda purpose is not legally tenable. While it is one thing to befool the unsuspecting masses with pre-scripted agendas and narratives that are methodically disseminated through the fourth-estate for discrediting Pakistan, it is a completely different ball game to establish such a propaganda story in an independent court of law.
Besides, it is indeed difficult for the Indian government to accept Hafiz Saeed’s challenge of taking him to ICJ because of some glaring loopholes in the Indian version of 26/11 events. So far nobody in the government has been bold enough to provide candid answers to some pertinent questions regarding vital yet hitherto unknown aspects of the Mumbai attack. Perhaps, it is time that New Delhi stops proffering ethical platitude and work toward fostering a true spirit of camaraderie in the Indian subcontinent. Or else, the smaller neighbors will be forced to look beyond the Himalayas for constructive and visionary leadership.
Given the loud demand for co-opting China as a permanent member of SAARC emanating from within the grouping, India’s foreign and strategic establishment must take a serious relook at the antiquated neighborhood policy of bringing the region under New Delhi’s strategic ambit by all means. Surely, the days of being enamored by the Chanakyan guile and stratagem of deceit are over. This region, consisting of one-fifth of humanity and two-fifth of the world’s poor, is longing for a whiff of fresh air. Modi has made some right noises by highlighting the deficiencies that hold back the region. “Today, less than 5 percent of the region’s global trade takes place between us. Even at this modest level, less than 10 percent of the region’s internal trade takes place under SAARC Free Trade Area. Indian companies are investing billions abroad but less than 1 percent flows into our region,” laments Modi. Yes, South Asia is confronting a major problem with integration despite the obvious economic benefits associated with it and that too due to lack of synergy among regional countries. But at the root of such mistrust is the expansionist Hindutva concept of Akhand Bharat — a united India that stretches from Afghanistan to Burma. Though, it might seem to be a jingoistic fantasy without factual basis, pro-Hindutva security experts does believe it is an achievable objective in the long run. So, the onus lies squarely on Modi to mitigate the neighborhood fear of marginalization and lost sovereignty. European experiences show deeper integration into political and economic bloc does not violate relatively smaller nation’s sovereignty. But for that India must shed her rigidity on China’s entry into SAARC. This will not only offset regional hegemony but also open up new vistas.
Moreover, SAARC surely stands to gain from China’s presence as a permanent member. The India manipulated “no membership and no dialogue partner status for any observer” decision taken at Kathmandu — to counter China — certainly does not augur well for a fund-starved region. Beijing’s fat pocket will not only enhance intra-regional connectivity and infrastructure upgrade (thus ramping up trade and boosting regional tourism consequently) but also help establish a SAARC infrastructure fund jointly. The conjunction of Chinese presence and a rising Indian economy will undoubtedly add heft to South Asia’s socioeconomic uplift. A constructive Sino-Indian engagement through SAARC forum can counterbalance Beijing’s pivot to the region too.
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