Turkiye plays key role in widening defense, diplomatic networks

As tensions continue to escalate across the Middle East, overlapping security arrangements are beginning to emerge as part of an interconnected network of defense cooperation stretching from the Gulf to South and Southeast Asia, and with growing links to Europe.

I was attending the Global Security Forum in Doha when Saoud bin Abdulrahman Al-Thani, Qatar’s deputy prime minister and minister of state for defense affairs, announced that Qatar would soon unveil a new defense partnership with regional allies, alongside plans to establish a defense hub in the country.

His remarks immediately prompted speculation about which countries would join the proposed arrangement. Turkiye and Pakistan were among those frequently mentioned, while some observers also suggested the UAE could be involved. A day later, Qatar announced that it had signed the Badr memorandum of understanding with Turkiye, Pakistan, and Indonesia in order to deepen cooperation in the defense industry.

This agreement seeks to build on existing military projects through joint production, technology transfers, and closer integration of supply chains to strengthen military manufacturing, enhance defense capabilities, and expand cooperation in technical training, research, and development.

Regional conflicts are serving as a trigger for several cross-regional partnerships that would have been difficult to think about only a decade ago.
Dr. Sinem Cengiz

The arrangement carries both symbolic and strategic significance. Just as the Makkah agreement drew on the symbolism of one of Islam’s holiest cities, this agreement invokes the historical and religious significance of Badr. The name was explained as a reference to the full moon, symbolizing how the four participating countries complement one another through their respective strengths in defense and economic cooperation. The Badr agreement is also open to participation by additional countries, as in the case of the Makkah agreement, potentially allowing the framework to expand beyond its original signatories.

On the same day, Ankara submitted its defense agreement with Pakistan and Saudi Arabia to the Turkish parliament for ratification. Although the ruling party has the majority in the parliament, the ratification process may take some time. Turkish political parties are likely to have heated debates about the agreement’s provisions. Also, even if the pact is ratified, this does not automatically allow Turkiye to deploy Turkish troops because that would also require additional legislative procedures. Pakistan, in contrast, follows a different ratification system. These approval procedures show how domestic dynamics differ in each country, and are likely to shape their emerging partnership.

However, it is important to make a distinction between the Badr arrangement and Makkah agreement. The former focuses primarily on defense-industrial cooperation, while the latter provides for mutual defense assistance in the event of an armed attack. The two frameworks are different, but have a high potential to complement each other. There is an economic aspect to both arrangements. Yet, besides this, joint production and technology know-how transfers are seen as essential to support these countries’ own military equipment, commitment for long-term investment in their relationships, and to build closer structured industrial relationships built on shared interests.

As in the case of Qatar, which has invested in Turkiye’s growing defense industry, and hosts Turkish troops on its soil, the Makkah agreement may also lead to an establishment of a joint Turkish-Pakistan base in Saudi Arabia, which could also be a hub for localizing the Kingdom’s local defense industry capabilities. This would turn the Gulf region into a hub for defense industry production.

Two non-Arab middle powers, Turkiye and Pakistan, are also members of the Regional Four group, alongside Saudi Arabia and Egypt. The grouping emerged in March and has convened several times since, providing another platform for regional consultation and coordination.

On Friday, Turkiye hosted Egypt, Pakistan, Saudi Arabia, Britain, France, and Germany, plus Italy, in Istanbul for talks on regional tensions. Regional and European countries are meeting in this format for the first time, at Turkiye’s initiative. Here, Turkiye is playing its historical bridging role between the Middle East and Europe. Discussions focused on Israel-Palestine, the Strait of Hormuz, Yemen, the Russia-Ukraine war, and opportunities for closer cooperation between the participants. In many of these issues, Turkiye has played either a mediating role, as in the Russia-Ukraine conflict, or acted as a partner in regional initiatives, such as for Gaza, and the Red Sea.

This diplomatic initiative reflects the growing interdependence between regional security and European stability. Wars in Iran, Yemen, and Ukraine have implications that extend well beyond their borders, affecting Europe, as shipping routes, energy security, and economic connectivity are disrupted. As the Russia-Ukraine war has had an impact on regional states, tensions in the Middle East have likewise affected Europe.

This situation requires the regional and European actors to coordinate their responses to overlapping security challenges. Defense-industrial partnerships, defense pacts, regional consultation groups, and cross-regional diplomatic initiatives are also different but interconnected components of a broader security framework. Turkiye is a significant actor within these interconnected frameworks.

Regional conflicts are serving as a trigger for several cross-regional partnerships that would have been difficult to think about only a decade ago. However, it remains too early to assess the durability of these overlapping frameworks, many of which have emerged in response to immediate conflicts and evolving security concerns. The regional environment remains structurally restrictive and prone to further conflicts. Whether these arrangements can evolve into lasting mechanisms for cross-regional cooperation or remain largely reactive responses to crises remains to be seen.