Plan to bring back Suez Canal statue stirs debate

In this file photo, shows the statue of Ferdinand de Lesseps, the French diplomat who was behind the construction of Egypt's Suez Canal, in the harbor of Port Said, Egypt. (AP)
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Updated 08 July 2020

Plan to bring back Suez Canal statue stirs debate

  • Port Said authorities thinking of returning statue of Ferdinand de Lesseps to where it once stood

CAIRO: A proposal to bring back the statue of a French diplomat behind the idea to build the Suez Canal has stirred controversy in Egypt, with many saying it would be a salute to colonial times and a “humiliation” to the memory of tens of thousands of Egyptian laborers who died building the waterway in the 1860s.

The debate started when the daily El-Shorouk reported last month that local authorities in the Mediterranean province of Port Said were thinking of returning the statue of Ferdinand de Lesseps to where it once stood, at the northern entrance of the canal.

De Lesseps, who came to Cairo in 1833 as a consul and was later posted to Alexandria, had been inspired by the idea of joining the Red Sea and the Mediterranean. He persuaded the Ottoman governor of Egypt to build the canal and in 1859, he symbolically swung a pickax to launch the construction, which took 10 years. The canal was officially opened on Nov. 17, 1869.

A 33-foot bronze statue of de Lesseps by French sculptor Emmanuel Frémiet, was erected in Nov. 1899 at Port Said, showing the diplomat with his right hand extended to welcome visitors entering the Suez Canal, his left holding a map of the canal.

The statue was destroyed by Egyptian fighters amid the 1956 Mideast War, when Israeli forces pushed into Egypt toward the Suez Canal after Egyptian President Gamal Abdel Nasser nationalized the canal. It was later restored by the Paris-based Association des Amis du Canal de Suez, and is now housed in a shipyard in Port Fouad. The Egyptian government registered the statue as an artifact in 2019.

The El-Shorouk report said that along with the return of the de Lesseps statue, another statue would be erected next to it, showing an Egyptian farmer, symbolizing the workers who had dug the canal.

A local official in Port Said, speaking on condition of anonymity because he was not authorized to talk to reporters, said no decision has yet been made and that more “public debate” is needed before the statue can be returned.

Lawmaker Mustafa Bakry on Monday condemned the proposal. Abdallah El-Senawy, a columnist for El-Shorouk, said the deaths of forced laborers during the canal’s construction was a “racist crime that requires accountability, condemnation, and an apology.”

Hundreds of thousands of Egyptian peasants were drafted into low-wage digging work with hand tools and tens of thousands died before the practice was banned and steam-powered excavators took their place.

In 1956, Nasser nationalized the canal from the British and French companies that owned it, a moment cherished by Egyptians as a defiant break from imperialist control. Britain, France and Israel invaded in response, but were ordered to withdraw by the US and the Soviet Union, in what was seen across the Arab world as a defining victory for Nasser and Arab nationalism.

Around 10 percent of the world’s trade flows through the waterway, which is one of Egypt’s top foreign currency earners. In 2015, the government of President Abdel-Fattah El-Sisi completed a major expansion of the canal, allowing it to accommodate the world’s largest vessels.

Political novices drawn to rally against Netanyahu

Updated 13 August 2020

Political novices drawn to rally against Netanyahu

  • The boisterous rallies have brought out a new breed of first-time protesters — young, middle-class Israelis

JERUSALEM: In a summer of protests against Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, the accusations of corruption and calls for him to resign could be accompanied by another familiar refrain: “I’ve never done this before.”

The boisterous rallies have brought out a new breed of first-time protesters — young, middle-class Israelis who have little history of political activity but feel that Netanyahu’s scandal-plagued rule and his handling of the coronavirus crisis have robbed them of their futures. It is a phenomenon that could have deep implications for the country’s leaders.

“It’s not only about the COVID-19 and the government’s handling of the situation,” said Shachar Oren, a 25-year-old protester. “It’s also about the people that cannot afford to eat and cannot afford to live. I am one of those people.”

Oren is among the thousands of people who gather outside Netanyahu’s official residence in Jerusalem several times a week, calling on the longtime leader to resign. The young demonstrators have delivered a boost of momentum to a movement of older, more established protesters who have been saying Netanyahu should step down when he is on trial for corruption charges.

The loose-knit movements have joined forces to portray Netanyahu as an out-of-touch leader, with the country’s most bloated government in history and seeking hundreds of thousands of dollars of tax benefits for himself at a time when the coronavirus outbreak is raging and unemployment has soared to over 20 percent.

Many of the young protesters have lost their jobs or seen their career prospects jeopardized. They have given the protests a carnival-like atmosphere, pounding on drums and dancing in the streets in colorful costumes while chanting vitriolic slogans against the prime minister.

Netanyahu has tried to dismiss the protesters as “leftists” or “anarchists.” Erel Segal, a commentator close to the prime minister, has called the gatherings “a Woodstock of hatred.”

Despite such claims, there are no signs that any opposition parties are organizing the gatherings. Politicians have been noticeably absent from most of the protests.

Israel has a long tradition of political protest, be it peace activists, West Bank settlers or ultra-Orthodox Jews. The new wave of protesters seems to be characterized by a broader, mainstream appeal.

“The partisan issue is totally missing, and the party organizations are not present,” said Tamar Hermann, a researcher at the Israel Democracy Institute, a Jerusalem think tank and expert on protest movements.

Hermann said the protesters resemble many other protest movements around the world. “They are mostly middle class,” she said. “And they were kicked out of work.”

Oren, for instance, said he used to survive on a modest salary as a software analyst thanks to training he received in an Israeli military high-tech unit. Then he moved into tutoring — offering lessons in English, computers and chess to schoolchildren.

He said things were not easy, but he was “too busy surviving” to think about political activity. That changed when the coronavirus crisis began in March.

Oren’s business crashed.

With unemployment soaring, Netanyahu and his rival, Benny Gantz, formed a coalition with 34 Cabinet ministers, the largest government in Israel’s history. Beyond the generous salaries, these ministers, many with vague titles, enjoy perks like drivers, security guards and office space, and can hand out jobs to cronies.

A Netanyahu ally dismissed reports that people were having trouble feeding their families as “BS.”

Oren said he became “furious,” and about two months ago, he went to his first protest against the nation’s leaders. “They are there because we gave them the power and want them to help us. And they’re not doing anything,” he explained.

Oren now treks to Jerusalem from his home in the city of Kfar Saba in central Israel, about an hour away, three times a week. He is easily recognizable with his poster that says “House of Corruption,” depicting Netanyahu in a pose similar to Kevin Spacey’s nefarious “House of Cards” character, Frank Underwood.

Oren says he does not belong to any political party or any of the movements organizing the rallies, but that the diverse group of activists all want similar things. “No to the corruption, the poverty, the detachment. We’re just saying enough,” he said.

University student Stav Piltz went through a similar evolution. Living in downtown Jerusalem near Netanyahu’s residence, she quickly noticed the demonstrations in her neighborhood when they began several months ago. She talked to protesters as well as local residents at the cafe where she waitressed before she was laid off.

She said she noticed a common theme. “They feel that something is very critical now in the political climate and no one is listening to the citizens and the pain we are experiencing,” she said.

But Piltz said the spark that drew her to protest was a national strike last month by the country’s social workers.

Piltz, herself a social work student, said she has a history of social activism but has never been involved with party politics. The collection of women, coming from different religious, political, ethnic and racial backgrounds, was a powerful sight. “This is where I saw how much power we have when we are together,” she said.

The demonstrations, which have gained strength in recent weeks, are the largest sustained wave of public protests since hundreds of thousands of people took to the streets in 2011 to draw attention to the country’s high cost of living. While those protests ultimately fizzled, two of their leaders entered parliament, and one, Itzik Shmuli, is now the country’s welfare minister.

Both Piltz and Oren said they are determined to keep up their activities in the long term.

“People have nothing to lose. So it’s very easy to go demonstrate these days, especially if you’re young and you see no future here,” Piltz said.

Hermann, the political analyst, said too many Israeli youths have been “politically ignorant” and that it is a “very good sign” for the country’s democracy that people are becoming involved.

The leaders, however, may not be so pleased to face a politically aware young generation.

“They are much more difficult to be controlled while they gain political views and confidence,” she said.