Gulf security is a red line

Gulf security is a red line

Gulf security is a red line

The GCC countries have excelled in embracing a highly coordinated security approach with regard to their domestic security and regional security alike. We have seen in the past how they tackled the regional sources of threat. In fact the establishment of the GCC itself was a clear message to all that the Gulf countries would not compromise the regional security and would take what it takes to make the regional environment secure and conducive for prosperity and stability.
Let us not forget that stability in the Gulf is not only in the best interest of the Gulf countries but also for world powers, particularly the United States. Therefore, stability is a Western demand as much as a Gulf’s demand. This region is very sensitive for the world’s economy and should not be messed with.
And yet, Iran has been trying to create regional tension and there is a chronology for this Iranian role in creating problems in the region. First, the West agreed to ditch the Shah of Iran and this paved a way for the return of Khomeini to Iran, a measure that ignited a destructive Iran-Iraq war that stretched for eight years. Iran also adopted the scheme of constructive anarchy in Iraq and the countries in the region.
Against all of these challenges posed by the Iranian role, the GCC managed to establish an internal security force to work together in time of crisis. The Saudi intelligence worked perfectly with various Gulf security apparatuses to thwart all plots and terrorist actions.
In Saudi Arabia, the intelligence department was able to discover the Iranian espionage cells. Riyadh has been successful in countering terrorism and dismantling terror organizations in the country. Also, Riyadh managed to monitor the borders firmly, thus reducing the volume of drug trafficking, arm smuggling and infiltrations into the country. That said, the civil sector needs more development to cope with various catastrophes.
The GCC countries are developing their security and defense capabilities. They have introduced the state of arts in the world of weapons with the latest technologies to be in a ready position to work to defend the security of the Gulf. The Gulf countries still view the strategic and defense relationship with the Western countries and the United States as the cornerstone of their strategy to realize regional security. In light of Iran’s quest for nuclear capabilities, the persistence efforts of Russia to have military presence in the Middle East and the clash of different regional projects, the Gulf countries cannot be oblivious to their regional security interests.
In years to come, the Gulf countries will be implementing some strategic plans such as establishing a naval force to guard the Gulf coasts. Some sources talk even about the intention to set up a Gulf security agency to cooperate with various security apparatuses in the Gulf. Some sources point to the possibility of imposing military conscription on the youth in the Gulf. This can be a good step to deal with the unemployed youth in such a way that they can get professional training. On top of that, the Gulf countries will recruit trained human resources from Jordan and Yemen in specific administrative and managerial units.
In its capacity as the biggest country in terms of population and territory, Saudi Arabia takes the geopolitical transformations seriously. Riyadh thinks of a future based on cooperation and even full-fledged unity among the Gulf countries. Despite the presence of the GCC as successful organization, there are other imperatives that push the GCC countries to work closely in an era of regionalism. Seen in this way, the Gulf countries are about to adopt two types of power: The political and the economic ones. This is despite the natural inclination of the Gulf countries to defuse tension in the region as a whole and to stay away from conflicts that may have some negative consequences for development and security in the Gulf region.
There are three issues that threaten the security of the Gulf. First, terrorism and regional conflicts and those who employ conflicts; second, security misgivings and tension resulted from the regional ambition of some regional countries; and third, human and drug trafficking. In addition to that, one can talk about other three sources of conflict: The rise of unemployment, the need to control the foreign workers, and the need to focus on productive and nonoil economic sectors. These are the challenges that occupy the decision makers in the Gulf.
Here, I would like to mention that the formula of security, development and education is the key that conditions the mind-set of decision makers in the Gulf. This is the key that can enable the Gulf countries to counter all internal as well as external challenges and threats. So far, the political attitude of the GCC countries is nonconfrontational. They only seek to control the conflicts and carry out positive intervention as the case in Yemen and Syria. The sectarian dimension of Assad’s and his allies’ approach compelled the Kingdom to take up a clear stand, especially after the Kingdome gave Assad all kinds of advice and after the direct involvement of Russia and Iran in the conflict.
Within this conceptualization, the Gulf security is a red line. The Gulf countries have rational capabilities to deal with all regional problems and have the ability to control these problems. Additionally, the Gulf security is linked to international equation of security and stability that cannot be compromised.

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