Why did Brotherhood fail?

Why did Brotherhood fail?

Why did Brotherhood fail?

It seems as though the Muslim Brotherhood is still living in the 1960s.
They wrote a historical account full of blood and lies about the Nasserite period that go beyond the mistakes committed by Nasser’s regime. They thought that theoretical religiosity alone would be enough to solve economic, social and political problems. Indeed, they maintained mixing theory and double standards.
They demand that the public hold onto their faith while allowing themselves to be rich. They use religion to control society. They also used religion as a means to achieve their strategic objectives being power.
The Muslim Brotherhood as an organization was kept secret until someone from within volunteered to disclose it. It was only then that their faults came to the forefront.
It is an organization indulging in deviation, murder, exclusion and marginalization.
If this how they deal with each other among themselves, one can only imagine, then, how they would deal with others who are not members of their organization.
Those who fled to Qatar during the 1970s fought each other to the extent that some of them resorted to poisoning other members. Such acts pushed some of them to go back to Egypt. To them, the hell of the Nasserite period was easier on them than the paradise of the Muslim Brotherhood.
They left the prisons they were thrown in by Mubarak filled with vengeance.
Indeed, some of them should have sought psychiatric help to establish a sort of minimal psychological balance needed to accept the other.
They mastered the art of nullifying the other over a long period of time. Needless to say, they never possessed any genuine democratic essence within the organization.
Simply put, they cannot imagine running a state with the participation of other political forces.
I expected their failure because they never understood the need to dissociate party leadership and state leadership.
They also dealt with political and economic challenges from their own religious standpoint and religious assurances. Yet poverty and hunger subsequently ensued.
In addition, they took advantage and tried to control the state and its wings.
They reached some sort of secret understanding with Tehran and Hamas to develop a security system and military force in order to gain systematic control over the Egyptian state.
They infiltrated the security system and tried to hack the phone lines of government members, the opposition, the army and foreign missions.
Khairat Al-Shatter used government funds to buy highly accurate surveillance devises to spy on Egyptian sources and the opposition.
They also reached a deal with Hamas and the Islamic Jihad in Gaza to weaken the presence of the Egyptian Army in Sinai by changing the leaders of the army in this vital area. They facilitated the transfer of weapons from Libya to Sinai in order to establish an Islamic emirate supported and controlled by the Muslim Brotherhood.
This led to decisive action to deprive the Ikhwan of their terrorist wing that could be used against the Egyptian army. For this reason, the Egyptian army imposed an emergency state in this area and closed the borders with Israel and Gaza. In addition to this, the Egyptian army deployed "Patriot Battery" on the two banks of the Suez lest the Ikhwan target this important and vital international waterway. On July 4, a series of missiles was fired toward the Israeli city of Eilat to warn the Israeli side not to support changes taking place on the Egyptian landscape. The message was that Israel would be better off not supporting change in Egypt or else they would be placed on the target list and would face a new front in Sinai supported by Iran, Syria and Hezbollah to take the pressure off Assad.
The Egyptian leadership acquainted the American side with the secret files of the Muslim Brotherhood. It is obvious in these documents that the Ikhwan sought to lead the country into crisis mode and wear out society to recruit leaders in the Egyptian intelligence and army. These deeds would have grave consequences on the Egyptian security and regional security. In fact, the leaders of the army realized that that a confrontation with the Ikhwan has not yet begun despite the detention of some of their leaders, such as Khairat Al-Shatter, who is accused of being involved in violence and who has been reaching out other Ikhwan movements in other Arab countries to stage violence and support coups.
The Ikhwan realized much on the American side hoping that the American administration would cut off the $1.3 billion in military aid. They also hoped that the American administration would criticize the change against President Mursi.
Yet, the American message was clear: they were critical against the chaos supported by the Ikhwan, especially when the Ikhwan contributed in establishing a terrorist stronghold of 15,000 people in Sinai. If anything, this exposes the Islamists’ false claim that they sought a civil state.
Seen in this way, the military move in Egypt is not a coup as much as it is a pre-emptive step to thwart their regional scheme. The professionalism of the Egyptian army appeared in time to avert Egypt a dark scenario.
There have been some leakages of Ikhwan-army negotiations under American-Qatari-Turkish pressure. And yet, one has to take into account that the Muslim Brotherhood rejected the road map outlined by the army. In fact, they refuse to give in to change and the status quo. They are planning to cause an explosion of disorder in Egypt. On the other hand, the army is fully confident that the Muslim Brotherhood is a movement that poses a threat to the stability and security of the country.
The Ikhwan refused to take advice and opted for the self-victimizing approach. For this reason, it has become crystal clear that they cannot continue in power. The new confrontation will be decided by the army, as the Ikhwan will lose their credibility and their political future.

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